23 SES 01 C, Perspectives on Inclusion
The aims of the presentation is to:
- Reflect on the ways in which the choice of a place, locality and a school - is crucial in understanding the quality debate in education and how schools’ popularity (market value) relates to accumulated privilege in the social context of the place
- Provide statistical overview for the last twenty years (1997-2017) of the ethnic and social class segregation between neighbourhoods and between state schools in Reykjavík metropolitan area with the emphasis on the most extreme (hot and cold) neighbourhoods and schools in terms of market value (popularity), capital accumulation and whiteness
There is a lack of research that grasp the historical and current geography of social class and ethnicity in the Icelandic field of education. In educational policy research geographical location has become an important part of understanding racial and class differentiation and a concentration of privilege within a given field (Butler og van Zanten, 2007; Reay, 2007; Taylor, McLeod, Butler og Vincent, 2011; Wacquant, 1989). In urban areas residence has become a contemporary battle over social distinction” (Butler, Hamnett, Ramsden og Webber, 2007).
The aim of the presentation is to provide a statistical overview of the current ethnic and social class segregation between neighbourhoods and between state schools in Reykjavík city area and how it has changed and developed for the last 20 years. The research design is based on work of those who have utilized and extended Bourdieusian class analysis in social (Savage, 2000; Skeggs, 2004) and educational research (Lareau, 2003; Reay, 1998; Reay, David og Ball, 2005).
The main results derive from a dataset (Statistics Iceland) that constitutes background information of all families with school-age children residing in Reykjavík for the years 1997, 2006 and 2016. The data derives mainly from tax reports, information on place of birth and information on education. The aim is to catch the emerging class difference between the 53 zones since 1997 by exploring economic, educational and cultural capital with a special focus on geographical distribution of the top 20%. That is economic capital in terms of 1) assets and 2) income, educational capital in terms of 3) educational level and cultural capital in terms of parents’ field of education. Cultural capital here refers to a university degree in cultural, artistic and or abstract fields such as arts, drama, foreign languages, humanities and abstract social sciences. The idea is to differentiate between members of the dominant class drawing upon Bourdieu’s analysis of class fraction (1984; 1998). He argues that the dominant class is divided into fractions where you have industrialists and commercial employers on the one hand (highest economic capital and lowest cultural capital within the dominant class) and on the other hand professors and artistic producers (lowest economic capital and highest cultural capital within the dominant class) (Weininger, 2005). The second source is a b) statistical overview of the students‘ mobility in/out of schools in Reykjavík for the last twenty years (source: Reykjavík Department of Education and Youth) to explore if policies of open enrollment have influenced the social geography in the schools. The third source derives from a dataset of qualitative interviews with parents of all social classes in Iceland (50) residing in different school zones of the metropolitan area. It gives opportunity to grasp the grapevine of schools and neighbourhood and the mechanism of social capital when choosing residence and schooling and how it is classed and racialized. Alltogether this research maps out the birth of a compulsory school market in Iceland that has been slowly emerging in the last twenty years. It is driven by a growing segregation in schools and neighbourhoods based on the intersections of social class and ethnicity and accumulated privilege/disadvantage in certain areas of the neoliberal Nordic welfare state.
Considerable ethnic and class divide between schools and neighbourhoods is evident in the data. Economic, educational and cultural capital have been accumulating in certain neighbourhoods of the Reykjavík metropolitan area. In 1997 there were already some class segregation but it has been widening for the last 20 years. Accumulation of economic privilege has almost doubled in certain neighbourhoods while there has been a further concentration of disadvantage in other parts of the city. Parental use of open enrolment policy has further increased the class and ethnic divide in the most disadvantaged area of Reykjavík and in recent years there has been extensive ‘white flight’ from the most disadvantaged school zone.
Ball, S. J. og Vincent, C. (1998). 'I heard it on the grapevine': 'Hot' knowledge and school choice. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 19(3), 377-400. Bourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction: A social critique of the judgement of taste. Cambrigde: Harvard University Press. Bourdieu, P. (1998). The State nobility: Elite schools in the field of power (L. C. Clough, Trans.). Cambridge: Polity Press. Butler, T., Hamnett, C., Ramsden, M. og Webber, R. (2007). The best, the worst and the average: secondary school choice and education performance in East London. Journal of Education Policy, 22(1), 7-29. af 10.1080/02680930601065718 http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=23414339&site=ehost-live Butler, T. og van Zanten, A. (2007). School choice: A European perspective. Journal of Education Policy, 22(1), 1-5. Lareau, A. (2003). Unequal childhood: Class, race and family life. Berkeley: University of California Press. Reay, D. (1998). Rethinking Social Class: Qualitative Perspectives on Class and Gender. Sociology, 32(2), 259-275. af http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0038038598032002003 Reay, D. (2007). "Unruly Places": Inner-city Comprehensives, Middle-class Imaginaries and Working-class Children. Urban Studies, 44(7), 1191 - 1201. af http://www.informaworld.com/10.1080/00420980701302965 Reay, D., David, M. og Ball, S. J. (2005). Degrees of choice. Sterling: Trentham books. Savage, M. (2000). Class analysis and social transformation. Philadelphia: Open University Press. Skeggs, B. (2004). Class, self, culture. London: Routledge. Taylor, C., McLeod, J., Butler, T. og Vincent, C. (2011). Education policy, space and the city: markets and the (in)visibility of race. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 32(5), 805-820. af http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/routledg/cbse/2011/00000032/00000005/art00008 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01425692.2011.596388 Wacquant, L. (1989). The Dark Side of the Classroom in New Caledonia: Ethnic and Class Segregation in Nouméa's Primary School System. Comparative Education Review, 33(2), 194-212. af http://www.jstor.org/stable/1188695 Weininger, E. B. (2005). Foundations of Pierre Bourdieu's class analysis. Í E. O. Wright (Ritstj.), Approaches to class analysis (bls. 82-118). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
00. Central Events (Keynotes, EERA-Panel, EERJ Round Table, Invited Sessions)
Network 1. Continuing Professional Development: Learning for Individuals, Leaders, and Organisations
Network 2. Vocational Education and Training (VETNET)
Network 3. Curriculum Innovation
Network 4. Inclusive Education
Network 5. Children and Youth at Risk and Urban Education
Network 6. Open Learning: Media, Environments and Cultures
Network 7. Social Justice and Intercultural Education
Network 8. Research on Health Education
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Network 10. Teacher Education Research
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Network 14. Communities, Families and Schooling in Educational Research
Network 15. Research Partnerships in Education
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Network 17. Histories of Education
Network 18. Research in Sport Pedagogy
Network 19. Ethnography
Network 20. Research in Innovative Intercultural Learning Environments
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Network 23. Policy Studies and Politics of Education
Network 24. Mathematics Education Research
Network 25. Research on Children's Rights in Education
Network 26. Educational Leadership
Network 27. Didactics – Learning and Teaching
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