This paper presents findings from a longitudinal study exploring the lives of women who engaged in violent behaviour during adolescence. Building on data from the research project Girls Who Engage in Violence (Faldet, 2013), the follow-up study investigates how the same women reflect on their school histories, identity, and relationships in adulthood. The initial study involved interviews with 13 girls aged 13–18 conducted over 1.5 years, highlighting significant risk factors and social dynamics shaping their trajectories. Ten years later, the follow-up study revisits these informants, now young adults, to examine how their past experiences influence their self-understanding and life paths.

Previous research has revealed that girls who engage in violence are often facing intersecting challenges across family, school, and community domains (Chesney-Lind & Jones, 2010; Henriksen, 2021; Henriksen & Bengtsson, 2018; Natland, 2006). Data from the first study (Faldet, 2013) underlined these intersecting challenges. Many of the informants experienced stigma and labelling from teachers and peers, with statements such as “teacher hate us” reflecting experiences of alienation and exclusion through failure (Faldet, 2013). School was often described as a conflict arena where they struggled with social and academic mastery (Natland, 2006; Faldet, 2013). Seeking acceptance, they turned to alternative communities, which were often criminalised by societal institutions (Young & Hallsworth, 2011). Despite narratives positioning girls as excelling in school due to social skills (Caemmerer & Keith, 2015), these girls’ experiences diverged significantly. Their behaviour was often dismissed or trivialized as “girls can’t fight” or controlled through punitive measures. Their accounts revealed a complex interplay of ambivalence, justice, and survival, exposing the inadequacy of simplistic interpretations (Henriksen, 2021).

This study revisits the original informants through in-depth interviews, analysing their reflections on past and present experiences. The theoretical framework combines Mead’s (1934) theory of the self, Hacking’s (2007) work on classification and looping effects, and Goffman’s (1963) theory of stigma. These perspectives illuminate how societal labelling and institutional contexts shape identity formation and life outcomes. The women expressed ambivalent feelings about their adolescent violence. Some justified their actions as self-defence or a response to despair, while others saw their behaviour as a symptom of deeper vulnerabilities. Many described power intertwined with powerlessness, oscillating between shame and control. These reflections align with findings that violent girls experience unique stigmatization compared to male counterparts (Chesney-Lind & Jones, 2010).

Mead's concept of the self illustrates how the women’s identities were and continue to be shaped by societal expectations (“the generalized other”) and significant relationships (“the significant other”). In the follow-up study, the school, as a central social arena, emerges with a dual role: it contributed both to marginalization and potential turning points. Hacking's concept of “looping effects” emphasizes how classifications such as “violent girls” shaped both how the women were treated during adolescence and how they perceive themselves as adults. Goffman’s theory of stigma demonstrates how the women internalised or resisted negative labels, and how adulthood has provided opportunities to reconstruct their identities. At the same time, challenges tied to their past continue to shape their paths in life.

This study employee a qualitative design, revisiting the original informants through in-depth interviews to capture their reflections on past and present experiences. All interviews were transcribed and coded using NVivo, allowing for thematic analysis that uncovered similarities and differences in the women’s narratives. A case-based approach (Dalen, 2011; Thomson, 2009) was utilized to highlight key features of the life experiences of the eight informants, with two cases selected for detailed analysis. Greta, aged 26, is employed, owns her own home, and has no history of substance abuse or criminal activity, though she periodically experiences depression. Carolina, aged 27, is unemployed, has two children in foster care, and faces challenges such as substance use and conflict-filled relationships. These cases provide a nuanced and compressed representation of broader themes within the dataset. Ethical considerations were central to the study. Approval was obtained from the Norwegian Agency for Shared Services in Education and Research (SIKT), and the research adhered to the guidelines of the National Committee for Research Ethics in the Social Sciences and the Humanities (NESH 2021) . Given the vulnerability of the group, significant efforts were made to establish a positive and respectful rapport with the informants. Both Greta and Carolina expressed that the interviews were meaningful; Carolina described them as feeling like a “psychology lesson,” while Greta noted it was the “first time I get to talk about something I’m so deeply ashamed of.” These reflections underscore the importance of creating a safe space for discussing sensitive topics. By integrating thematic analysis with a case-based approach, the methodology highlights the diversity and complexity of the women’s experiences while ensuring their voices are authentically represented. This approach offers valuable insights into how institutional and relational factors have shaped their trajectories, informing broader discussions on violence, stigma, and identity.

This study highlights the interplay of institutional, relational, and individual factors shaping the lives of women who engaged in violent behaviour during adolescence. Findings underscore the long-lasting impact of early stigma, exclusion, and marginalization experienced in school and other social contexts. Many participants reflected on how societal labelling influenced their self-perception and limited opportunities for reintegration. School, which could have been a site for positive change, often reinforced feelings of alienation and failure. Despite these challenges, the study sheds light on the resilience and agency demonstrated by the informants. Protective factors, such as supportive relationships with educators or peers and opportunities for growth through work or education, were pivotal in navigating adulthood. Greta’s story exemplifies how stability and access to prosocial networks foster positive outcomes, while Carolina’s experiences illustrate the enduring struggles faced by those with limited support and unresolved trauma. The methodological focus on thematic and case-based analysis allowed for a nuanced understanding of shared and unique experiences among the participants. This approach revealed how intersectional vulnerabilities, such as gendered expectations and socioeconomic factors, intersect with institutional responses to shape trajectories. Ethical considerations were critical in ensuring the research’s integrity and depth, with informants expressing that the interviews offered a space for meaningful reflection. The findings highlight the need for relational and context-sensitive interventions that prioritize belonging and empowerment over punitive measures. The women’s narratives underscore a longing for inclusion, with one stating, “Everyone has to find someone to let you in because we were shut out,” while their relationships often lacked trust and depth. School experiences reinforced exclusion through labelling and lack of recognition. Protective factors, such as supportive relationships and opportunities for education or employment, played a pivotal role in shaping their trajectories, exemplified by a teacher’s belief in one informant’s abilities providing a sense of sanctuary.

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