This paper purposes to analyze how the media and the textbooks do interfere quite dynamically within a commonsensical construction of the commonsense. In the face of the frightening reality upheld by New Rightist policies, a simple question becomes unavoidable. That is, if new rightist social policies are so poisonous and lethal for the social fabric, and so lethal for the less advantage why have they achieved an overwhelming victory? Why is that the New Right policies, in spite of their devastating effects on society, happen to be the dominant bloc currently? For many critical scholars , for example, among numberless issues, one cannot detach New Rightist accomplishments from the politics of the common sense and the role, for example, that the media (be it the technological one or the 'conventional' one) and textbooks plays in building a particular commonsensical framework. In fact, using an intricate strategy of (de)(re)meaning that acts dynamically not only within the economic sphere, but also in other societal sites as well, the New Rightists were successfully able to intercede within the common-sense environment, one that is deeply ordinary and contradictory, interrupting, renovating, and transforming "in a more 'systematic' direction people's practical consciousness" .It is precisely within this judicious restructuring of the commonsense that cultural battles are fought. As a result, we can identify "a successful translation of an economic doctrine into the language of experience, moral imperative, and common-sense" . In essence, as Apple's bluntly stresses, the ethic of the market combines with populist insights, that is to say we are witnessing "the blending together of a 'rich mix' of themes that have a long history-nation, family, duty, authority, standards, and traditionalism-with other thematic elements [namely, self-interest, competitive individualism, and antistatism] that have also struck a resonant chord during a time of crisis" . That is, a "reactionary common-sense is partly created" . In essence, the success of neoliberal policies currently, among other things, is their capability of working and reworking within the common sense and generating new meanings among societal key concepts. As Macedo, Dendrinos and Gounari's argue, "in order to redefine the concept of freedom, neoliberal ideology produces a powerful discourse whose effects are so pervasive that it becomes almost impossible for anybody to even imagine (for example) freedom outside the market order" . Moreover, and this is particularly frightening, specific key concepts and agendas that historically were deeply rooted within the marrow of a progressive educational and curriculum body, such as social justice and freedom, experienced what I dare to call a (de)(re)meaning process, one which was gradually able to reframe their very meaning, assuming a 'marketwise' cultural meaning. This shift documents, as I had the opportunity to comment on elsewhere , that curriculum does play a key role under the New Right agenda, an undeniable fact that led the New Rightists to appropriate the left discourse. What we are claiming here is that the process of reworking the very meanings of particular key words in order to operate a gradual reconfiguration within the commonsense, one that serves the purpose of the New Right agenda, implies a careful and intricate process of disarticulation and rearticulation. That is to say the intricate process of articulation, which involves the tension between disarticulation and rearticulation, according to Torfing, allows one to understand "how cultural artifacts are overdetermined by political ideologies, and by social and political identities in terms of class, race, nationality, and gender" . Hence, articulation, as Hall reminds us, is the "form of the connection that 'can' make a unity of two different elements, under certain conditions; [that is to say] it is a linkage which is not necessary, determined, absolute, and essential for all time" . This well-orchestrated strategy builds a hegemonic commonsense, and it is precisely within this strategy that one should not ignore the role that the media and textbook have played, helping dynamically in the process of reconstructing this hegemonic commonsense by 'fabricating' specific meanings while obliterating many others, some of them almost 'unquestionable' and, in a way, 'untouchable' just a few decades ago.In essence and despite some noteworthy forms of resistance, it is now quite a commonplace that the Conservative Restoration has become the dominant force within the educational field. This paper analyzes how the media and textbooks participate in the construction of a particular commonsense, one that paves the way for the creation of a 'partial consciousness' among individuals in one of the best neo-liberal social laboratories-the classroom. This commonsense is marked by distorted notions of class, race, gender and sexual orientation, in which, say Columbus and World War II, among too many other 'stories', serve as core examples.