Participation in initial vocational education in Finland has been increasing slightly since 2000. In 2012, altogether 37-46 % of those aged 16-18 years were studying for their initial vocational qualification, while 47-49% of those in the same age group where studying for their general upper secondary qualification (Statistics Finland, 2014.)  Furthermore among those aged 20-39, still some 7-16% participated in initial VET, whereas only a minority of 0-2% among those aged over 20 years were participating in general upper secondary education. The high level of participation in initial VET makes the Finnish VET distinctive and interesting with respect to the vocational education systems of other Nordic countries.

The four Nordic countries such as Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden are characterized by similar societal contexts.  All these Nordic countries have developed well-organised labour markets, consensual political cultures and universal types of welfare states that have given priority to goals related to equal opportunities and social inclusion (Elvander, 2002). Even though they have similarities, they have different histories and the models of vocational education and training. This offers a fruitful opportunity for a comparative research on VET.

The VET system has an important role in each country to play by linking school-based and work-based learning and by connecting education with the labour market (Wolbers, 2007). However, in each of the Nordic countries VET has been given different emphasis as well as politically defined aims: to qualify for employment, to prepare for future mobility on the labour market, to promote competiveness and economic growth, to qualify for studies at the tertiary level of education and prepare for lifelong learning, as well as to facilitate the student’s development as a person and as a democratic citizen, and in order to contribute to social cohesion (Olofsson & Panican, 2008; Antikainen, 2006). These differences in policy decisions are reflected in the present status of VET in each country. Still, developing of VET in Nordic countries is facing similar challenges: how to, on one hand, develop linkages to higher education so that there are opportunities to participate in further and higher education and, how, on the other hand provide with qualifications that satisfy the demands of labour market in terms of developing specific and tacit knowledge to support employability.

The aim of this paper is to analyse the strengths and weaknesses of the Finnish model of VET with respect to these two challenges, educational progress and employability. The paper analyses the characteristics that differentiate the Finnish model from the other Nordic countries. Firstly, the differences in the outcomes of the Nordic VET systems are compared and described on the basis of secondary data analysis (Eurydice, Eurostat 2012). In particular attention will be paid to distribution of upper secondary students by programme (general or vocational), participation rates by age and sex, proportions of population in the 20-24 age group having completed at least upper secondary education (ISCED 3) and having completed the tertiary education qualifications (ISCED 5 and 6; age group 24-64), proportion of people in employment by age group and educational level, and unemployment rates by educational attainment. Secondly, the challenges that are typical to the Finnish model of VET in meeting future challenges are discussed. The future challenges include e.g. shifts in the forms of production and consequent changes in skills-demands. The country-reports and analysis produced in the project “The future of Vocational education - learning from the Nordic countries” (financed by NORDFORSK) will provide background for the comparisons and analysis of the presentation (e.g. Jørgensen, Stenström, Thunqvist &  Tønder, 2013).

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