With a time lapse of 10 to 15 years compared to the Anglo-American world, the relation between central state government and local organization of schooling in Germany is subjected to ongoing restructuring. Interlaced with the growing global education industry and digitization (e.g. Parreira do Amaral et al. 2019), deregulation policies (‘school autonomy’) have been combined with a new ‘measurement culture’. The latter includes (international) school performance studies, standards and competence-oriented instruction, indicator-based education reporting and the promotion of evidence-based education and research. The PISA assessments have revived the debate on educational inequality that was silted up in the 1980s, shifting widespread political and scientific attention to the below-average school success of pupils with a so called ‘migration background’. However, the perspective on ‘migration’ applied in the discourse on New Educational Governance has also been criticized (e.g. Baros 2006) as deficit-centered and assimilationist and thus inadequate to the complex educational requirements within the (post-)migration society. Our paper examines more closely how policy goals of inclusion, social justice and democracy are (re)conceptualized within the New Educational Governance as a new type of school reform in the FRG. The analysis draws on theories of transnational educational governance and regimes, research on gouvernementality (cf. Lemke et al. 2000) and concepts of epistemological politics shaped by Foucault (cf. Ricken 2011; Biesta 2007, 2010) with a perspective critical on discrimination and racism (cf. Gomolla 2016). Based on findings from a discourse analysis of key education- and migration/integration policy documents at the federal political level from 1964 to 2019 (cf. Gomolla forthcoming), the re-structuration of concepts and conditions for the everyday work of teachers in the logic of the technicised reading of school success as "performance", parallel to the phenomenon of the disappearance of subject- and experience-related aspects of education, will be highlighted. We will conclude that, although issues of educational justice have been a prominent subject in education policies since 2000, opportunities to address discrimination in daily school life have been rather constricted. As has been analyzed earlier in England and other Anglo-American countries (e.g. Rassool/Morley 2000), thereby the ways of thinking, technologies and instruments of New Educational Governance fulfill an important hinge function by contributing to a general depoliticisation of educational policy making and practice.

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