Over the last few decades an increasing number of countries in the Global North have introduced so called Civic Integration programmes, often referred to as ‘the Civic Turn’ (Joppke, 2007; 2017). These are a form of educational provision that aims to through teaching integrate migrants into what is presented as the country of arrival’s ‘culture’, ‘values’, and laws (Jensen et al, 2017). As such, it is expected that those who take part will internalise a loyalty towards ‘democratic and liberal values’ (Mouritsen et al. 2019). The programmes vary in form, but do not seem to have an observable effect on neither social nor economic integration (Wallace Goodman & Wright, 2015). Therefore, it may rather be understood as a form migration governance (Mouritsen et al. 2019). In Sweden this form of education has been conducted since 2010 (SFS 2010: 1138), and currently involves 100 hours of teaching, and is referred to as Civic Orientation for Newly Arrived Migrants. It is offered in migrants’ ‘mother tongues’, and according to policy documents, should be based on dialogue and respect (SFS 2010:1138). Previous research on this has shown that the classes seem to be working to discipline the participants (Abdulla & Risenfors, 2014), in order to change the participants’ views and behaviours (Åberg & Mäkitalo, 2017; Milani et al. 2021). This is in tension with the expressed aim of Civic Orientation to give participants “ability to shape not only their own lives, but to also take part in the shaping of Swedish society” (SOU 2010:16: 14). However, as argued elsewhere in the Swedish context: “adult education (as education in general) becomes a site for the normalization of students, aiming at adapting individuals into what is deemed desirable in terms of how a citizen should be and act” (Fejes et al. 2018). In a diverse setting such as Civic Orientation, this tension is evermore palpable.

In line with the ‘social justice turn’ in the social sciences and humanities, in this paper we investigate inclusion and participation in the context of classes in civic orientation for adult migrants in Sweden. Theoretically, we draw upon the work of American political philosopher Nancy Fraser, who famously argued that “justice requires social arrangements that permit all (adult) members of society to interact with one another as peers” (Fraser 1998: 5). Analytically, this means investigating “whether institutionalized patterns of interpretation and valuation impede parity of participation in social life” (Fraser 1998: 4). We apply Fraser’s theoretical ideas to an analysis of interviews with “key actors” involved in civic orientation, ethnographic data collected in 6 civic orientation classes (3 in English and 3 in Arabic) in three large Swedish municipalities, as well as focus group interviews with former participants. More specifically, we illustrate a tension between a genuine commitment on the part of the Swedish state to create multilingual and multicultural spaces for dialogue and reflection about Swedish society, on the one hand, and problematic monolithic views about how migrants are expected to behave in order to ‘fit in’, on the other. Ultimately the question is: on whose terms are migrants expected to integrate and participate in Swedish society?

The paper draws on a number of qualitative research methods in order to paint a rich picture of the complex relations between policy and bureaucrats, the teaching in classrooms, and the experiences of those who have been taught. Firstly, we draw on 14 semi-structured interviews with ‘key actors’ involved in organizing Civic Orientation locally in three large Swedish municipalities. These were conducted in the fall of 2019 and provide a plethora of views and understandings of the purpose of Civic Orientation, its challenges, as well as how it is conducted in various settings, seen from different perspectives. Secondly, we draw on ethnographic data from six different civic orientation classes in English (three) and in Arabic (three) from three large Swedish municipalities. These were conducted over four months in the spring of 2020, around the onset of Covid-19. Therefore, about a third of the data was collected in person, but then the rest had to be obtained online through Zoom and Skype. As those conducting the ethnographies speak English and Arabic, there was no need for interpreters. Within the ethnographies we took the position as participant observer, meaning that whilst we did not interrupt the class we spoke when asked to and actively participated in break times. The ethnographic fieldnotes were taken by hand and anonymized before analysis. In total about 600 pages of fieldnotes were compiled. The data was then analysed thematically (cf. Emerson et al. 2011). Through this data we get a rich illustration of Civic Orientation in practice within different classes. Lastly, we draw on focus group interviews with former participants conducted in the spring of 2023. In these, the participants reflect and discuss their experiences of Civic Orientation as well as how this compares to their own experiences of living in Sweden. These were organized as casual discussions where the participants were encouraged to lift their own perspectives and discuss their experiences in a neutral environment.

Through comparing and contrasting the results from the various forms of data, we hope to put forward a granular analysis of how inclusion and diversity play out in practice through Sweden’s Civic Orientation. Analytically, we investigate “whether institutionalized patterns of interpretation and valuation impede parity of participation in social life” (Fraser 1998: 4) from the institutions’ patterns of interpretation through the individual interviews, into practice in the classes, and out into wider society through the focus group interviews. As such, it is expected that both aspects of inclusivity and desires to promote multiculturalism as well as aspects of social cohesion and assimilationist views will come forth in the tensions between expectations, practice, and experiences as suggested in previous research on welfare and integration programmes in Sweden (cf. Dahlstedt & Nergaard, 2019; Milani et al. 2021). The paper hopes to contribute to debates on Civic Integration in Europe, which at its core lies in utilizing civic and citizenship education as a tool to create avenues for migrants to integrate and become part of society, as well as discussions on social justice more broadly. Going back to the research question, “on whose terms are migrants expected to integrate and participate in Swedish society”, the paper will both outline on the one hand the terms outlined by the organizers of Civic Orientation and on the other those the migrants themselves face on a daily basis in Sweden.

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