The aftermath of the unlawful killing of George Floyd and the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on Black, Asian, and Minority Ethnic (BAME) people have prompted educational leaders to make commitments to decolonize curricula, address attainment and remuneration gaps, and prioritize Equality, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI) in higher education. However, despite the increasing ethnic diversity in UK Higher Education Institutions (HEIs), recent data from the Higher Education Statistics Agency reveals persistent disparities for BAME staff in terms of permanent contracts, senior leadership positions, and higher renumeration bands (AdvanceHE, 2021).

In this study, the researchers explored institutional racism in HEIs, focusing exclusively on the perspectives of White university staff. The study aimed to shed light on the Psychosocial Costs of Racism to White (PCRW) university staff, an area that is relatively unexplored in UK-based HEIs.

The concept of White people experiencing psychosocial costs of racism (PCRW) was introduced by Kivel (1996), who suggested that awareness of institutional racism could lead to feelings of guilt and shame among White people, particularly if they benefit from unfair privileges. This emotional turmoil may result in isolation and decreased social interactions. Additionally, PCRW can have economic consequences, as some White people may feel compelled to maintain their standing within hierarchical organizations, and as such, they may perpetuate historical inequalities. This can lead to White people’s lack of interest in the welfare of disadvantaged communities and cognitive dissonance, characterized by mental discomfort from conflicting beliefs.

Goodman (2001) expanded on this idea, by presenting a comprehensive framework addressing personal and systemic consequences of racism. Her study with White students revealed that racism disproportionately benefits them by providing access to resources denied to non-White students. The negative consequences for White students included reduced empathy, guilt, and feelings of internalized oppression. Indeed, McGhee (2021) argued that racism's harms extend beyond direct targets (i.e., racially minoritized people) and affects society as a whole.

When Spanierman et al. (2009) examined PCRW behaviours in White university freshmen, they found that empathic guilt evolved over time. Some students became anti-racist, while others grew more insensitive, possibly due to cognitive dissonance and the adoption of a White superiority perspective. Then, in a more recent exploration, Exum (2022) used mixed methods to explore the perceived costs of being a Black person. White students envisaged negative consequences, such as mental distress and loss of respect, in a hypothetical situation where they appeared non-White. Furthermore, White participants anticipated economic losses without White privilege.

Despite these insights, a gap in research exists concerning the psychosocial costs of racism to White university staff, particularly in the UK. The current study addressed this gap by contributing to the understanding of racism's effects on university staff. This is significant because historically, White university staff members have benefited from their positions of power, privilege, and influence. The researchers supposed that, given the persistent and widespread nature of institutionalized racism in HE, White university staff members may be better placed (compared to BAME people) to bring about tangible change. 

In this study, the researchers examined the concept of institutional racism and its psychosocial impact on White university staff. After obtaining ethical clearance from the University Research Ethics Committee (UREC), email invitations were sent to all Higher Education (HE) staff members in a post-92 Higher Education Institution (HEI), and details about the research and a link to an online Qualtrics survey were provided. At the end of the survey, those willing to participate in Phase 2 of the study, were invited for in-depth semi-structured interviews. The focus of this poster presentation is on the findings derived from the interview data. The sample comprised of 12 participants who identified as White. Participants were diverse in terms of their gender, employment characteristics, including length of service, faculty, and campus location. Additional demographic details were excluded to protect participants’ anonymity. Semi-structured interviews, conducted online via Microsoft Teams, lasted up to 60 minutes each. The interviews were designed to explore participants' perceptions and experiences of racism in higher education. A team of three researchers conducted the interviews, with one leading and the another ensuring accuracy through recording and note-taking. The interview guide included open-ended questions addressing various aspects of racism in higher education. Participants were encouraged to share anything they felt might contribute to the study, and they were assured of anonymity. After the interview they were provided with information about support services. Each participant was interviewed once, and their responses were transcribed for analysis. To maintain anonymity, individualized codes were assigned to each participant. In the analysis phase, the research team (comprising two Black women and one White man) provided varied perspectives. The trustworthiness and validity of the study were addressed through Reflexive Thematic Analysis guidelines. The research team grappled with balancing the focus on their experiences of White university staff, while acknowledging the more pernicious impact of racism on racially minoritized colleagues. They continually reflected on their assumptions and biases during data analysis. As well, critical friends were engaged to provide additional perspectives, and verbatim quotations from participants were included to validate the richness of the data. Member checking, involving sharing synthesized findings with participants, was also undertaken to ensure the trustworthiness of the qualitative analysis.

The study found four key themes. In Theme 1, participants expressed an interest in contributing to the expansion of knowledge and understanding of racism, despite lacking personal resonance. Their motivations included a commitment to EDI efforts, observations of disparities and a belief in collective responsibility to address systemic discrimination. Theme 2 revealed White university staff's definitions of racism. The participants acknowledged the prevalence of racism within their institutions, pointing to hierarchical structures hindering diversity and exploiting vulnerabilities, particularly for historically discriminated racially minoritized colleagues. Theme 3 highlighted the impact of racism on White university staff. Witnessing discriminatory incidents caused feelings of anger, guilt, and moral discomfort. The concept of vicarious racism (Segundo, 2017) emerged, leading to psychological distress and self-preservatory behaviours, such as withdrawal from discussions and avoidance of contentious situations. Perceived toxicity in the workplace, fuelled by discriminatory attitudes, and distrust, contributed to an alienating workplace. In Theme 4, participants expressed concerns about the consequences of institutional racism. Some maintained optimism for the future, while others believed fundamental and systemic changes were necessary, akin to metaphorically "blowing up" or rebuilding the university. The findings of this study are significant. First, without minimizing racially minoritized people’s experiences, it is the first study that solely focuses on the impact of racism on White university staff members in the UK. Second, the study focuses on White university staff members, who historically have held positions of power, privilege, and influence within HE settings. Hence, the researchers concluded, “BAME staff and students alone cannot be expected to put right the problem of institutional racism in HE. Addressing systemic discrimination requires a sustained and collective effort, and given the results of our study, it is important that all members of HEIs actively engage in this work” (Miller et al., 2023).

AdvanceHE. (2021). Equality in Higher Education: Statistical report. https://www.advance-he.ac.uk/knowledge-hub/equality-higher-education-statistical-report-2021 [Accessed 18 November 2023] Exum M.L. (2022) ‘White students’ perceptions of the costs and consequences of being black’. Race and Social Problems. 1–17. Goodman D.J. (2021) Promoting Diversity and Social Justice: Educating people from privileged groups. Sage. Thousand Oaks, CA Kivel P. (1996) Uprooting Racism: How white people can work for racial justice. New Society Publisher. Philadelphia McGhee H. (2021) The Sum of Us: What racism costs everyone and how we can prosper together. Profile Books. London Miller, D.A., Brown, C. and Essex, R. (2023) ‘The psychosocial costs of racism to White staff members of an ethnically diverse, post-92 university’. London Review of Education, 21 (1), 39. https://uclpress.scienceopen.com/hosted-document?doi=10.14324/LRE.21.1.39 Segundo, D. (2017). "An exploration of the relationship between vicarious racism, police videos, and their impact on the Facebook consumer". Masters Thesis, Smith College, Northampton, MA. https://scholarworks.smith.edu/theses/1919 Spanierman L.B, Todd N.R, Anderson C.J. (2009) ‘Psychosocial costs of racism to Whites: Understanding patterns among university students’. Journal of Counseling Psychology.Vol. 56(2):239–52.