Transnational education mobility (TEM), referred to as the movement of students from their country of citizenship to nations abroad to pursue higher education, is a growing credential and commodity within globalised neoliberal societies. Global trends show rising participation in overseas education from Asia, with India as the second-largest sender and the UK as the top receiver of international students (OECD, 2023). This movement reflects an increasing desire among Indian youth to join the global middle class and use transnational higher education to improve labour market prospects (King and Sondhi, 2018). Forward-caste students are advantaged in India by their historical access to education, which may enable their opportunities to access and benefit from TEM. In comparison, Dalit students (former untouchables at the bottom of India’s caste hierarchy) face caste inequalities at Indian educational institutions, affecting their experiences and aspirations even after graduating (Nivedita, 2024). Discrimination is especially evident for the small numbers of Dalit students who reach elite Indian universities, where now a focus on the internationalisation of education is also growing markedly given students in these universities are better placed to apply to overseas universities. Yet, to date, no previous research has investigated Dalit students’ transnational aspirations and experiences, to assess the influence of caste in TEM trajectories and lived experiences at home and abroad. Dalits remain a minority group in India and internationally due to their financially backward status and the persistence of caste stigma despite economic advancement (Jodhka & Prakash, 2016). Nevertheless, identifying and capturing the narratives of these few who have already gone against the grain and now aim to study abroad is a crucial intellectual task contributing to the literature on TEM among minority groups. Moreover, opportunities for upward mobility in socioeconomic status for Dalits through new avenues, such as TEM, may be challenging in new and different ways in a global environment, where caste practices are less visible yet the Indian diaspora located there retaining caste, practising discrimination and protesting against legislative measures to include caste as a protected characteristic 

Addressing this gap, I aim to capture the transnational aspirations of Dalit undergraduates within an Indian elite institution, and Dalit international students’ experiences in UK Russell Group universities, through a multi-sited qualitative study. I ask: In what ways, if any, does caste affect Dalit students’ transnational aspirations and experiences in the elite higher education space? 

I analyse these questions through Appadurai's (2004) ‘capacity to aspire’ framework, which provides a textured understanding of how aspirations are not merely individual desires but are shaped by cultural and social contexts. This context for my study is caste bias in Indian HEIs and growing TEM in global neo-liberalised societies. I expand the horizons of this framework and apply it to the study of Dalit students’ TEM aspirations. This framework can help illuminate the complex ways in which aspirations are navigated, constrained, and realised. 

The proposed research contributes original findings and reflections to diverse literature including TEM pathways among marginalised/minority groups and the relevance of caste in Western higher education settings, as the only study on TEM of Dalit students and caste in UK universities at the time of its undertaking. My research adds to the literature on the nature of inequalities in the West by assessing if caste inequalities are carried or experienced by Indian international students pursuing postgraduate studies. Further, as a Dalit woman, I make reflexive and experiential contributions to the literature on inequalities in higher education and the ways students from marginalised backgrounds navigate them to meet their aspirations. 

The proposed study thus aims to understand in what ways, if any, caste affects Dalit students’ transnational aspirations and experiences in the elite higher education space. This main question is further explored through two subsidiary questions, i.e. (a) In what ways, if any, does the experience of caste in top-tier Indian HEIs influence TEM aspirations and motivations for Dalit students? (b) Does caste influence university life in Britain for Dalit international students attending Russell Group HEIs? To examine these issues, the study adopts a qualitative, multi-site research design. I have deployed qualitative methodology with an interpretive approach, using interviews to collect data in both Delhi, India, and the UK. This approach seeks to understand participants’ worldviews and lived experiences by ‘making sense of or finding meaning’ in the data (Mills, 2000, p. 176). This approach is ideal for advancing the understanding of underexplored issues and formulating socially constructed arguments by carefully and creatively combining the researcher’s experience with the inquiry process (Trent & Cho, 2014). I use semi-structured interviews to learn subjects that are valued and considered meaningful for my participants (Patton, 2014). Questions revolved around themes of ‘capacity to aspire’ for TEM and participants’ navigation of unique circumstances to understand their motivations, resources available and channelling personal agency. Following the interpretive nature of my research, I encouraged participants to share their subjective insights on themes they deem important, instead of pointed questions on matters I consider relevant to their transnational experiences (Patton, 2014, p. 21). While I used standardised questions to introduce themes, open discussions were encouraged to see interviews as ‘inter-views’ or an interchange of views between two people conversing on a theme of mutual interest (Kvale, 1996). This process also makes the interviews informal and relaxed, which is crucial when discussing sensitive issues.

While the fieldwork for the project is still being conducted, the following outcomes and themes have emerged: 1. Role of the Internet in Bridging the Information Gap Respondents consistently highlighted the lack of information-sharing among peers within university spaces. This gap is often bridged through the use of technology. Many participants expressed gratitude for resources such as university websites, YouTube tutorials, and other online platforms that provide guidance on application processes. These digital tools have become critical in compensating for the absence of peer or institutional support. 2. Mentorship as a Catalyst for Change A notable theme emerging from the interviews is the transformative impact of mentorship programmes. One respondent shared how interacting with mentors shifted his perception of the application process. Initially overwhelmed by the technicalities of drafting documents such as CVs and statements of purpose (SOPs) or securing funding, the respondent now feels more confident and assured. 3. Aspiration building: Respondents had heard about foreign education from their forward caste friends in college who had this ambition on their radar since school, while Dalit students only built it during their bachelor's. 4. Place of study and reason: Dalit students said they wanted to study at the institutions where Dr Ambedkar went to study (LSE and Columbia), while others had a list of universities primarily in the UK and Europe. 5. Lack of information: Students from the top-tier colleges are somewhat aware of the application process not fully. Only a few Dalit respondents, all from an elite college known for sending most Rhodes scholars were fully aware of each aspect of the process and were preparing accordingly. Even students from top-ranking colleges nationally were unsure about the process and had little to no idea about crucial elements such as the Statement of purpose and references.

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