International students play a crucial role in shaping European universities, bringing benefits to economic, academic, cultural and global engagement. In the UK, international students contribute over £41.9bn annually to the economy, with a large portion flowing directly to universities (Universities UK, 2023). Chinese students make up a quarter of all international students and the £2.3bn fees they pay annually play a vital role in propping up the UK's cash-strapped higher education sector (Guardian, 2024). Improving career prospects is increasingly important in students' selection of study destinations and universities’ strategies to attract international students. However, the 'foreign degree premium' is eroding as many returnees struggle to find a job upon returning home.

‘Overseas returnees’ is translated in Chinese as ‘Hai Gui’ or ‘Sea Turtle’, a pun on highly-skilled and graduates returning from overseas. Over the past decades, a growing number (25.7% average annual growth from 2003 to 2021) of Haigui returned (MoE, 2024). The trend is exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, worldwide economic recession together with tightening migration rules and rising national protectionism in major hosting countries

The influx of Haigui is paralleled by a substantial increase in domestic graduates from Chinese higher education, creating fierce employment competition for individuals. In 2023, the rate of unemployment among graduate returnees was 24.5%^[1], surpassing the 14.9% rate of overall urban youth unemployment; the average duration of university-to-work transition exceeded 20 months, significantly longer than that experienced by domestically educated graduates (CSCSE, 2023). Accordingly, there is a shift of discourse from ‘Haigui’ to ‘Haidai’ (‘job-waiting returnees’) and more recently to ‘Haifei’ (overseas returning waste) representing the gloomy employment situation of this group of young people.

Multiple challenges face job-hunting returnees: credential recognition, lack of local work experience and social connections, skill mismatches and re-adaptation to local working culture, etc. STW transition is not linear but a complex, multidimensional experience shaped by structural constraints, individual aspirations, and personal circumstances. For overseas-educated returnees in China, this transition is further complicated by factors such as cultural reintegration, family expectations, and shifting labor market demands. Much research focuses on job-related factors (e.g., skill mismatches, employer preferences), but an investigation of their broader decision-making processes and identity formation provides a more holistic understanding of how these graduates navigate uncertainty, adapt to challenges, and make life choices on employment and beyond.

Archer’s (2003, 2012) conceptualization of personal identity and reflexivity provides a framework for understanding how unemployed returnee graduates interpret their circumstances and make decisions. Employment challenges are not merely economic concerns but are also tied to personal identities, future aspirations, and social relationships.

This study examines overseas-educated Chinese returnees’ reflexive processes, illuminating:

• How they reassess career aspirations when faced with job market constraints.

• Emotional and psychological impacts of prolonged job searching.

• The role of reflexivity in their decision-making, coping strategies and personal identity formation

The school-to-work transition (SWT) of overseas-educated unemployed graduates is a pressing issue in China but also a phenomenon with significant implications for Europe and the wider world. As higher education becomes increasingly globalized and labour markets more competitive, understanding how returnee graduates navigate unemployment, career uncertainty, and identity reconfiguration is critical for policymakers, educators, and employers.

 ^[1] The 24.5% unemployment group comprises 8.05% of unemployed individuals and 16.44% who have withdrawn from the labour market. According to the report, "withdrawal from the labour market" is defined as the voluntary or involuntary exit from the workforce due to various factors such as age, health, or family issues. These individuals are not currently employed, but remain capable of work and willing to re-enter the labour market, thereby being classified as a form of unemployment.

A qualitative research design captures the lived experiences of unemployed overseas-educated returnee graduates. Data is obtained primarily through in-depth semi-structured interviews with 22 unemployed returnee graduates who: 1. are Chinese nationals who obtained their Master degrees from a Russell Group university in the UK within the past 3 years; 2. have returned to China post-graduation; 3. are currently unemployed or facing prolonged job-search difficulties (over six months). Primary channels of participant recruitment included posting invitations to alumni groups and on social media platforms, and engaging with alumni events in Chinese cities. Given the niche participant pool, snowball sampling was also used to identify additional candidates. The participants aged between 23-31, with 17 female and 5 males. All interviews were conducted via online video and participants were assured strict confidentiality. Russell Group universities are recognized as prestigious institutions known for their high academic standards, research excellence, and strong global reputation. Their degrees are widely perceived as high-value credentials in both the UK and international labour markets. Returnees from Russell Group institutions are typically expected to have a competitive edge in China’s job market. However, the fact that some of them remain unemployed or struggle with the SWT transition presents an interesting paradox that warrants deeper investigation. In qualitative research, particularly phenomenological and reflexivity-based studies, maintaining sample homogeneity allows for deeper insight into a shared experience (Patton, 2015). This sample does not represent all overseas returnees (e.g. those from non-Russell Group Institutions or different countries). Instead, it offers an opportunity for in-depth exploration of a specific, high-achieving subgroup whose experiences are often predicted to be straightforwardly successful. The insights gained can serve as a foundation for future comparative studies that include a broader range of returnee graduates.

1. Identity disruption: the paradox between educational prestige and labor market realities Although somewhat prepared for the harsh competition, the frustration of prolonged job searching and disillusionment at the Chinese job market led to self-doubt and identity crisis for some participants and triggered reflexive self-examination, forcing graduates to reassess their career expectations and self-worth. Identity disruption also comes from conflict between returnees’ enhanced self-awareness from studying abroad and the Chinese working environment. Despite their job-hunting difficulties, all participants view their experience abroad as enriching their knowledge of the world, expanding horizons and reshaping their worldviews and self-understanding. These effects make them more aware of and sensitive towards discrimination by age, gender or marital status in recruitment and workplaces. Some participants left jobs they had taken for a short period because of struggles to reintegrate into local work environments and culture. 2. Reflexivity and identity negotiation: adapting to uncertainty When facing obstacles in finding suitable jobs, participants display different reflexive modes: some proactively redefine success, expansion of career horizons and seeking alternative career paths (e.g. entrepreneurship, freelancing and further study), or relocating to another country. No evidence suggests these Haigui experience ‘fractured reflexivity’ – and became ‘Haifei’ (overseas waste). Although some had to lower their expectations, or ‘compromised’ with family expectations to take a ‘stable’ job, self-confidence gained from studying and living abroad facilitate others to pursue their personal interests in career development. In conclusion, this study expands Archer’s reflexivity framework by applying it to returnee graduates navigating labor market uncertainty. It highlights how elite international education does not guarantee employment, forcing returnees to engage in self-reflexive career adaptation. In exploring beyond job-related factors, it offers a more holistic understanding of post-graduation life for internationally educated graduates, with implications for students, educators, and policymakers, in both China and the host countries.

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