This paper examines the culture-specific pedagogical model of a Hungarian talent-nurturing high school primarily serving Roma children. In particular, it explores reflective life-course interviews with the first two cohorts to graduate from Gandhi High School.

Addressing social inequalities affecting Roma in Europe has been a strategic EU objective for decades, with significant resources allocated to various projects (Brüggemann & Friedmann, 2017; Lauritzen & Nodeland, 2018; European Union FRA, 2023). Ensuring Roma children's equal access to quality education and preventing school dropouts remain priorities, as education impacts key areas like health, employment, and political participation. However, multiannual surveys by the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights and analyses by Brüggemann & Friedmann (2017) indicate that, despite extensive efforts, results remain limited or even deteriorate (European Union FRA, 2023). Similar findings emerge in Hungary, where deficit narratives reinforce and legitimize segregation, leading to lower-quality learning conditions and blocked mobility pathways (Kertesi & Kézdi, 2016; Bernáth, 2019). The devaluation of Roma culture as a deficit hinders intersubjective dialogue and bicultural approaches, despite strong evidence of their positive correlation with learning outcomes (LaFromboise et al., 2017; Safa & Umaña-Taylor, 2021; Bereményi, 2022).

In Hungary, various initiatives have aimed to improve Roma children's school success in both formal and non-formal settings, yet social mobility and higher education attendance remain largely unchanged (Kertesi & Kézdi, 2016; Trendl, 2024). These include the Arany János programs, which focus on equalization in high-quality grammar schools, after-school community bonding schools (Fejes & Szűcs, 2014), and “Roma Student Society” supporting higher education retention (Varga et al. 2024). Founded in 1994, the Gandhi High School (hereafter GHS) in Pécs, Hungary follows a separation-acculturation strategy (Berry, 2005), fostering bicultural competences. Although it primarily serves Roma students, it differs from segregated schools by aiming ‘deliberation’ (Freire, 2021), integrating middle-class and minority habitus while fostering egalitarian relationships through intercultural or culturally relevant pedagogy (Ladson-Billings, 2006; Katz, 2004; Dezső, 2011).

GHS’s approach assumes that the need for social mobility does not require abandoning minority identity, provided that institutional and pedagogical structures support it within a bicultural learning environment (Brüggemann, 2014). Rather than alienating minority learners, GHS model recognizes bicultural competencies and networks as crucial for individual flourishing. GHS structurally integrated Roma cultures into Hungary’s traditional minority education positioning it on equal footing with other minority cultures. This approach not only provided a model for pedagogical practice, but also acknowledged it as one of many possible cultural implementations.

My ongoing doctoral dissertation explores the social and personal conditions surrounding GHS’s establishment, focusing on its innovative pedagogical and minority policy concepts. At a previous ECER conference, I presented its theoretical underpinnings, connecting the pedagogy of liberation with inclusive narratives. My present paper will provide a personal perspective on Gandhi High School’s culture-specific pedagogical practices through reflective life course interviews with the first two cohorts of to graduate beginning GHS in 1994 and 1995. Preliminary findings align with international research, suggesting that bicultural competencies—developed through peer relations and cross-cultural networks—enhance learning, social mobility, and segmented assimilation strategies (Portes, & Zhou, 1993).

The project examines students who began attending Gandhi High School in 1994-1995, focusing on the impact of its culturally relevant pedagogical environment, the acquisition of cultural and relational capital, and the application of bicultural competencies in social mobility and identity formation. It also assesses students' current status compared to their families and communities, considering perceived gains or losses. Of the 111 students in the first two cohorts, 40 graduated after six years. To examine Gandhi’s influence on their lives, narrative reflective interviews (Chametzky, 2016) were conducted with 15 graduates and 6 of the 61 dropouts . The 21 participants were recruited using a snowball sampling method via social media. Ethnicity was determined by self-identification. The semi-structured interview questions explored four key areas: (1) the students' social and community cultural capital (Yosso, 2005) at the time of enrollment, (2) their perception of the bicultural learning environment and recognition of Romani culture, (3) their educational journey and social mobility, and (4) their current social position in relation to changes in habitus (Bourdieu, 2002). Most interviews were conducted in two sessions: one narrative and one semi-structured, lasting 45 minutes to two hours. All were recorded, transcribed verbatim, and deductively coded. The research adhered to ethical guidelines, ensuring that informed consent was obtained from all participants. Content analysis of the interviews was performed using ATLAS.ti qualitative data analysis software.. A quantitative survey complemented the qualitative research. The questionnaire, using Likert-type scales, multiple/single-choice questions, and open-ended responses, was structured around key theoretical themes: • Current demographic variables (age, gender, education, marital status, location). • Family and community circumstances before and during attendance at Gandhi. • Perceptions of bicultural recognition and pedagogy of ‘deliberalization’ (Freire, 2021). • Evaluation of school activities aimed at capital enhancement. • Self-perception of habitual changes related to social mobility. This mixed-method approach provided a comprehensive understanding of Gandhi High School’s role in shaping students' lives and opportunities.

At this stage of the research, institutional documents provide evidence of a positive bicultural learning environment. The analysis of GHS’s founding documents from 1992–94 affirms Roma/Gypsy cultural values, fostering conditions for biculturalism to emerge and adapt. The explicit recognition of dual cultural belonging, as reflected in the school's founding charter, pedagogical program, curriculum and contemporary articles published in press, demonstrates a strong commitment to balancing majority and minority cultures, thereby shaping students’ bicultural competence and attitudes. Embedded references to biculturalism emphasize the importance of valuing both cultures. The curriculum's unique inclusion of Boyash (a Romani subgroup with its own Roma ethnic identity and distinctive language) and Romani languages, along with Romani cultural elements, has had a significant impact on students' cognitive and emotional organization of their bicultural identities. A new narrative framework replaces deficit-based terminology with a focus on learning achievements, goal attainment, positive psychological capital, networking, and community wealth. Furthermore, interviews with the founding teachers corroborate the documentary evidence, emphasizing the intentionality behind the GHS's bicultural and inclusive education for Roma students. This commitment was driven by an ethos of acceptance and equity, with the teachers' community acting as a bridge between the two cultures in their role as a learning organization. In consistency with the results of the document analyses, the narrative interviews with the students also confirmed that cross-cultural networks, goal-driven motivation for learning and performance, the leveraging of community wealth capital, a positive Roma self-image, fostering navigational capital, and the adoption of a cooperative approach, all contribute to the successful realization of bicultural competence and identity. Further in-depth analysis guided by the research questions will provide additional insights into these processes and outcomes. Interviews with dropout students provide a nuanced perspective, uncovering the challenges within institutional operations, which will be explored in detail in the presentation.

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