Session Information
07 SES 01 A, Intercultural Learning in Nonformal Education
Parallel Paper Session
Contribution
Instances of significant ethnic segregation, racial tension and mutual feelings of persecution, and attempts to promote social justice amongst young people of different ethnic backgrounds, have become increasingly salient in Europe since 2001. Researchers have identified a pan-European trend towards policies emphasising assimilation at the expense of legitimised diversity (Vasta, 2007; Back et al., 2002). This trend is in part grounded in unease about the impact of religious and cultural diversity on social cohesion and trust in neighbourhood relations (Cantle, 2005; Dekker & Bolt, 2005; Lancee & Dronkers, 2011). This paper draws on research conducted in Oldham and Rochdale (located in the Greater Manchester area of the UK) to explore the theoretical basis for understanding the spatial realisation of complex global and local networks in terms of geographies of marginality and exclusion (Mohan, 2002; Massey, 2004).
Following this exploration, we analyse ways in which youth workers/informal educators respond to the challenge of the ‘marginal’: marginal in the sense that Oldham and Rochdale are peripheral, ex-industrial satellite towns left behind by the neo-liberal re-structuring of globalisation (Amin, 2002), so producing a situation of marginalized youth excluded from the economic and social mainstream. This classed experience of marginality has been significantly racialised through ethnic segregation in residence and the consumption of public services. The paper suggests that marginal education professionals, youth workers and other informal educators have been at the forefront of attempts to address this racialised, and often violent, youth marginality. The educational approach taken in this situation of marginality, can be characterised as representative of recent UK policy shifts towards ‘cohesion’ and ‘integration’ identified above. Such shifts have been seen as reinforcing asymmetric power relations within UK society (Back et al, 2002), but we suggest that this research evidence from educational practice in situations of marginality suggests the potential for more progressive praxis.
Method
Expected Outcomes
References
Amir, Y. (1998) ‘Contact Hypothesis in Ethnic Relations’, in The Handbook of Interethnic Coexistence, W Weiner (ed), New York: Continuum, pp 162-81. Amin, A. (2002) ‘Ethnicity and the multi-cultural city: living with diversity’, Environment and Planning, 34: 959-980. Back, L; Keith, M; Khan, A; Shukra, K & Solomos, J (2002) ‘New Labour’s white heart: politics, multiculturalism and the return of assimilation’, Political Quarterly, 73 (4), 445-54. Cantle, T. (2005) Community cohesion: A new Framework for Race Relations, Basingstoke; Palgrave Dekker, K and Bolt, G (2005) ‘Social Cohesion in Post-war Estates in the Netherlands: Differences between socio-economic groups’ Urban Studies,42(13) 2447-2470. Lancee, B & Dronkers, J (2011) ‘Ethnic, Religious and Economic Diversity in Dutch Neighbourhoods: explaining quality of contact with neighbours, trust in the neighbourhood and Inter-Ethnic trust’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 37 (4), 597-618. Massey, D (2004) ‘Geographies of Responsibility’, Geografiska Annaler, 86B: 5-18. Mohan, J (2002) ‘Geographies of welfare and social exclusion: Dimensions, consequences and methods’, Progress in Human Geography, 26 (1) 65-75. Vasta, E (2007) ‘From ethnic minorities to ethnic majority policy: Multiculturalism and the shift to assimilationism in the Netherlands’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 30(5), 713-740
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