Session Information
28 SES 08 B, Space, Inequalities and Education
Paper Session
Contribution
Urban space has emerged as a fierce marketplace for in-between school competition – especially in the case of Stockholm (National Agency of Education 2011), due to the educational reforms in the early 1990´s in which neoliberal equivalence of schooling was incorporated into the educational system by means of decentralization, free-schools and a voucher based school choice arrangement (Blomqvist, Rothstein 2008). While competition between schools at a local level still exists, it has extended vastly since pupils – according to policy – can use their vouchers to choose more or less unrestricted amongst all upper-secondary schools in the county, dependent on the grades they receive in secondary school. During the period 1997 to 2012 the number of upper-secondary schools accelerated from 21 to 53 in the inner city of Stockholm. Most of these schools were newly established free-schools, in fact during the same period the number of free-schools increased from 7 to 41 while the total number of enrolled at free-schools pupils likewise reached a top level in 2011 with 20 827 (11 375 in the year of 1997). (Larsson, 2014).
While pupils nowadays commute throughout the whole region to attend school, the more affluent inner city attracts most attention. The same applies to the increasing proportion of schools occupying inner city areas, transforming it into a “hot-spot” for schooling. In contrast school districts in outer-city regions (Broady, Börjesson 2006; Palme 2008), and more acutely, socially stigmatized residential areas – with a large population of low-income and multi-ethnic groups – experience an extensive loss of pupils. However, this development does not seem to be the direct outcome of quality differences in schooling as some researchers argue (Sandström, Bergström, 2005), rather the impact of what Loic Wacquant calls the ‘socio-symbolic landscape’ (Wacquant, 2015).
This project aims to study how inner city upper-secondary schools and their pupils use representations of space and place as authenticating distinguished markers and forms of symbolic entitlement thereby ensuring and consecrating their position on the educational market. We do this by analysing 1) the way inner city upper-secondary schools use their location and the different characteristics of the inner city [spatial representations] in relation to time and space, as a comparative advantage and market strategy in the fierce in-between school competition. 2) How pupils familiarity with, and representations of the inner city and the order of upper-secondary schools affects their educational strategies.
Since the changes in urban development and schooling are unequal, we have to discuss them in a relational sense (Bourdieu 1999). Thus, to fully grasp the educational strategies deployed by pupils and inner city schools we need to contextualise them within the frame of urban development. As such educational strategies and choice making as well as the desirability that certain schools gain ought to be perceived as dependent on the positions they receive in the field of education (Bourdieu 1984, 1989). We need to consider the dispositions of cultural, economic and social capital that certain groups possess to understand the choices and statements they make, and also the social identities they take on in relation to other groups (Bourdieu 1985). It is the struggle for the field specific symbolic capital that is at stake – the distinction of excellence and the power to outline what should be credited or discredited (Bourdieu 1991, 1996). However, some scholars claim that choice making and strategies in some ways go beyond the disposition of capital today, arguing that they also depend on the way pupils “master” their “experience of school” (Dubet 2000; Hultqvist 2010).
Method
Expected Outcomes
References
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