General description and theoretical framework

Several studies in Norway and in other countries have revealed a persistent picture of how the amount of exclusionary practices  increases throughout the school years, not least concerning  pupils with a disability, behavioural problems or other identified special educational needs (SEN) (ex Ytterhus & Tøssebro 2006;Ianes & al 2013). A question in the paper is why does it have to be like that?  Drawing on an extensive recent empirical material, I ask if there are changes in this picture? Changes or not, I will discuss these issues by looking into the situation for pupils in lower secondary education in Norway based on data from an ongoing national research project about the quality of special education.   

The Norwegian education system is regarded by itself and others as entitled to ‘high scores’ on equity and inclusion, as noted by Mortimore (2005) in an OECD report. When it comes to provisions for students with disabilities or with a statement of special educational needs, the students are in principle, since the Education Act of 1975, to be part of the mainstream classroom. However, this does not always happen, or just happens partially, probably increasingly so (Haug 2014a; Nes 2010).   

Before presenting and discussing the empirical data, the ‘troublesome’ inclusion concept will be explored, in particular by looking into its relationship to diversity and to equity vs. excellence in education.  In most texts about inclusion the notion of diversity is crucial, for instance in various UNESCO documents (for instance UNESCO 2003) as well as in the Index for Inclusion (Booth & Ainscow, 2011). But how is diversity to be understood, compared to difference, and what differences are we talking about?  How ‘philosophers of difference’ like approach these questions will be part of my exploration.  

In secondary education demands on educational achievements increase, and differences between the pupils become more obvious. Furthermore, vulnerable youth with a history of emotional or behavioural challenges, like ADHD,  risk further marginalization from academic as well as social life at school  - and after school (Frønes & Strømme 2010; Harwood & Allan 2014).

In Norwegian classrooms, particularly in lower secondary education and particularly among boys, there has been worries about underachievement. Mortimore (2005:52) fears the “predominance of a culture in which children are under-challenged”.  A group of students risking underachievement and labeling are those with minority cultural or language minority background (Pihl  2010 ).  

Inclusion means for everyone a right to use their learning potential as fully as possible and to participate in a learning and social community with their peers (cf Booth & Ainscow 2011). In order to make it happen different levels are challenged: a system and a school level which work towards this end, and a classroom level where teachers are enabled to implement it.  The experienced inclusion in the academic and social community for the students is the pivot point for the inclusive school.

I will discuss challenges to the inclusion ambitions constituted by demands on maintaining excellence as well as insisting on equity e.g. through pursuing questions posed by Black-Hawkins & al (2006): What counts as educational achievement? What counts as educational inclusion? Etc.   

Research questions
1. Students with vs without ‘SEN’:

What differences are there in issues of learning and motivation between primary and lower secondary school. How does gender and ethnicity affect the results?

2. Students with vs without ‘SEN’:

What differences are there in participation between primary and lower secondary school How does gender and ethnicity affect the results?

3. How is special education organised – in class, in groups or individually?

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