Liverpool, known to have hosted masses of immigrants since the 1840s – firstly Irish immigrants but later also German, Greek, Italian, Nordic, and Polish ones (Panayi 1996; Burrell & Panayi, 2006; Belchem, 2007; D’Annunzio, 2008; Chatziioannou, 2016) – in particular from roughly the 1890s to the 1970s witnessed the most diverse “colourful” and “tasteful” forms of enculturation through food. Thus, by the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the then major European port and still rapidly developing city saw a slowly blooming Italian community specialise in the business of producing and selling ice cream. Curiously, however, Italians in Liverpool soon also acquired a “taste” (cf. Bourdieu, 1994; von Hoffmann, 2016) for fried cod and opened some of the city’s most renowned chip shops (D’Annunzio, 2008). This is just one example of how migrants in Liverpool, from the very young to the young at heart, may have ‘acquired a distinctive hybrid hyphenated identity’ (Belchem, 2007, p. i). Importantly, this occurred through food and education around nutrition and diet, which affected not only generations of Italian Liverpudlians but the people of Liverpool in general. Indeed, it may be argued that Italian and other communities, which gradually settled in distinct quarters of the city, found an “appetite for change” in both themselves and other members of Liverpool’s population. The question of how precisely the “edible odours” (cf. Classen, Howes & Synnott, 1994) and “textured flavours” of foodstuffs, as well as the “colourful sounds” of food preparation, production and consumption, through processes of non-/formal education, have invited a “reform of the self” in contexts like these, however, has so far hardly been addressed. This paper aims to fill this gap between research on food and the senses (Sutton, 2010), food/diet and education (e.g., Scholliers, 2013), and education and the senses (Thyssen & Grosvenor, forthcoming).

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