The family pattern is undergoing significant changes with the rapid socioeconomic development and transformation of cultural values in Chinese society. Compared with extensive research on the mother’s role, father’s involvement in the family and children’s education is still lesser researched (Hill, 2015; Kim, 2018). The traditional perception considers fathers as the financial providers of the family, while mothers are regarded as the primary caregivers of family chores and children’s education (Li & Jankowiak, 2016; Liong, 2017). However, these divisions of labour are difficult to satisfy the increasingly diverse needs of families and social justice and gender equality goals in contemporary society.  Also, although social expectations and family practices are gradually advocating for fathers to be more involved in children’s education, in fact, fathers are often restricted by culture, economics and gender roles.

Existing research, particularly in the Chinese context, has tended to focus on the potential influence of fathers’ economic status on their children’s educational development, such as the provision of educational resources and authoritative guidance, while neglecting the capital and gender structures that shape fathers’ educational participation behaviours (Benner et al., 2016; Li, 2021; Li & Qiu, 2018). In addition, the potential impact of the emotional involvement and interactional styles of fathers in the family on children’s long-term educational goals and educational motivation has not received sufficient theoretical and empirical attention. Therefore, the role of fathers as participants in children’s educational development requires both a critical examination of their position within gendered structures and an exploration of the challenges and opportunities of their practices. This study aimed to break through the traditional perspective of fatherhood research and analyse the dynamic relationship between fathers’ educational involvement in different socioeconomic and educational contexts, explore the role of contemporary Chinese fathers in children’s education, and the impact on children’s educational aspirations and experiences. Through qualitative interviews with eighteen father-young people dyads in China, the study focused on the following questions: (1) How do young people perceive the role of their fathers on education and how does this play a role in shaping their educational aspirations and experiences? (2) How do fathers from different educational backgrounds and socioeconomic statuses play their role as fathers? (3) How do these fathers consider contemporary Chinese fatherhood ideals, and how does this influence their approach to involvement in their child’s education?

The study adopts Connell’s theory of masculinity and Bourdieu’s theory of capital as the theoretical framework (Bourdieu, 1986; Connell, 1987; 2005), and analyses the role characteristics and influence mechanisms of contemporary Chinese fathers in the education and development of children from the dimensions of gender and capital. Masculinity theory emphasises that masculinity is diverse and dynamic, influenced by culture and social structures (Connell, 1987). In traditional Chinese culture, fathers are perceived as the financial providers and authority figures in the family, while society is gradually expecting fathers to take on more emotional and educational responsibilities (Li & Lamb, 2015). However, the transition is accompanied by conflicts between traditional gender expectations and contemporary gender expectations. This study analyses how these conflicts affect fathers’ educational involvement and its impact on their children’s education. Meanwhile, Bourdieu’s theory of capital (cultural capital, social capital and economic capital) is used to explore how fathers shape their children’s educational opportunities and experiences through their educational background, social networks and economic resources. This integrated framework reveals the diversity of fatherhood and its differential expression, providing insights into understanding contemporary Chinese fatherhood.

This study employed a qualitative research method, with the aim of understanding the phenomenon through individual experiences (Mason, 2002). The study captured fathers’ and young people’s individual narratives and experiences through semi-structured interviews, individually, providing an in-depth exploration of the diversity and complexity of the father’s role in their children’s educational development, from participants’ perspectives. The study recruited eighteen family dyads each comprising one young person from different provinces in China (either daughter or son, aged 18-30), and their father. The family dyads were from different socioeconomic and educational backgrounds, with a total of thirty-two participants – three fathers were absent from the interview and one father withdrew from the study. The interview design focused on the young people’s perceptions of father involvement, their educational experiences over time, the highest level of qualification, and current life/career pathways. Fathers were asked about their relationships with their own fathers, how they approached their fatherhood role, and engagement in their child’s education over time. All participants were also asked their views on contemporary fatherhood roles in China more widely. This provided a unifying framework to ensure data comparability while also allowing participants to express their individual perspectives and experiences. Data analysis used thematic analysis focusing on the gender dimension, capital, and social class backgrounds (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The study assessed quality and rigour through credibility, dependability, transferability, and confirmability (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

Emerging findings from the study show that the fathers in low-income families generally followed the traditional gender division of labour, playing the role of the primary decision-maker and standard-setter, responsible for the allocation of family resources and the directional guidance of their children’s education, while mothers were perceived as mainly responsible for household chores and caring for the emotional needs of their children. However, the parents in middle-class families tended to participate in their children’s education in a more cooperative and complementary way. This practice of participation is dominated by Confucian ideals, with fathers expected to provide financial support and serve as moral role models for their children (Li, 2021). However, these traditional expectations appeared particularly prominent in the low-income families under high economic pressure, which does not mean that fathers in low-income families lack participation in their children’s education, but rather could reflect the practice of fatherhood in the context of their limited resources. For example, fathers from low-income families perform the role of “good father” through strict family discipline and financial support, and these behaviours are more reflective of the compliance and continuation of traditional cultural norms. On the other hand, the middle-class families with more affluent economic conditions appeared able to engage in the education and growth process of young people with rich resources, coupled with the influence of modern parenting concepts, gradually shifting towards diverse and emotional fatherhood. This shift is not just attributed to differences in family class, but is also driven by changes in wider socioeconomic structures and cultural norms. Therefore, this study reveals the diversity and fluidity of fatherhood in China’s specific socio-economic and cultural context. These fathers’ patterns of practice should arguably be seen as an adaptation to their environment rather than as a stereotypical choice of practices.

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