Several recent reports identify Gypsy/Travellers as the most marginalised ethnic minority group in Europe and highlight the extent to which they experience marginalisation and social exclusion from a range of services and are exposed to a range of risks and deprivations (Save the Children, 2001; DfES, 2003; Hester, 2004). In schools, attainment of Gypsy/Traveller children is the lowest of any ethnic minority group and recent guidance in the United Kingdom, aimed at raising the achievement of Gypsy and Traveller pupils, has emphasised the need to tackle racism in schools, challenge teachers’ expectations and attitudes and address Gypsy/Traveller pupils’ social and emotional needs (DfES, 2003). Currently, Gypsy Travellers have ‘the lowest results of any ethnic minority group and are the group most at risk in the education system’ (DfES, 2003). Liegéois says that “The concept of school failure is obviously just as subjective as that of success. For the Gypsies, school failure has up to now been the failure of the school, which has not been able to attract them, hold on to them, or equip them with the tools essential for adaptation to the modern world” (1998: 177). Concerns about the threat that schooling poses to Travellers’ cultural and family values and fears of children’s exposure to discrimination and irrelevant learning means that many Gypsy/Travellers are still resistant in participate fully in formal education. Although there is some evidence of a recent shift in attitudes to education, mainly as a result of more contact with the non-Travelling community and increased need for young people to gain qualifications to practice traditional trades, “one must never forget that, for Gypsies, school is an alien institution, and an integral part of a universe which has for centuries been a threatening one” (Liegéois, 1998:175).

This study reports on a pilot project that looked at Gypsy/ Traveller children and parents’ views on formal education provision and what they identified as the main barriers to accessing schools in Scotland. Data was collected through phone-based interviews with the parents, while interviews with the young people used a combination of child-centred research methods, to include posters illustrating Gypsy/Traveller young people and their daily activities, a diagram on ‘People I learn things with’ to explore significant individuals that engage with in terms of learning experiences, a diagram entitled ‘My lifeline’ to identify key learning experiences in young people’s lives. In total, 6 young people and 9 adults were involved, including parents and service providers. Data was supplemented by previous observations collected through Save the Children’s work in local communities. The questions asked by this study were: What are Gypsy/Traveller young people’s experiences of learning within the extended family and other settings? How does learning take place within the extended family and do these experiences of learning differ or overlap with the formal curriculum? How can schools capitalise on Gypsy/Traveller out-of-school learning experiences to make the formal curriculum more relevant for them? What are parents’ attitudes to formal education and what are the best ways of engaging them with the formal systems of provision?

Findings are presented under three categories, to include: Gypsy/ Travellers’ attitudes and experiences of formal education, main barriers to learning in schools and experiences of learning outside the school. We conclude with some implications for educational provision for this and other minority groups, to combat exclusion and make schools inclusive places for learning.