In societies characterised by ethnic and religious pluralism, the relationship between models of schooling and social cohesion continues to be debated. While advocates of common schooling argue that separate faith schools may foster cultural ignorance and intolerance (Berkeley, 2008), proponents of faith schools argue that common schooling may fail to recognise and value minority cultural and religious identities (Gallagher, 2004; Flint, 2007). In Northern Ireland, this debate has assumed particular significance in light of ongoing ethno-religious divisions and the continued existence of parallel school systems - a formal Catholic sector and a de facto Protestant sector, together accommodating more than 90% of pupils – in which children and young people are largely educated alongside co-religionists (Department of Education, 2013).  

This research considers a recent initiative to emerge in Northern Ireland as an intermediary between separate and common (or ‘integrated’) schools, with the aim of encouraging greater understanding and more positive relations between young people. Termed ‘shared education’, this involves collaboration between schools of different denominations to provide joint classes and activities through which pupils from different community backgrounds can meet and learn together. Shared education seeks to build on the lessons of previous peace education programmes by ensuring that pupils meet regularly over a sustained period of time, and by embedding opportunities for contact within the core curriculum (Sharing Education Programme, 2012). As research begins to indicate its success (Hughes, Gallagher, Hewstone, Donnelly and Carlisle, 2010; Hughes, Lolliot, Hewstone, Schmid and Carlisle, 2012), shared education offers a promising model with relevance for other societies with local or national experience of ethnic/religious division.

Underlying shared education, as with other peacebuilding initiatives, is the belief that bringing pupils from different backgrounds together will permit the development of positive cross-group relationships and, in turn, result in more favourable attitudes towards those outside pupils’ own ethnic or religious group. This is the basic premise of contact theory (Allport, 1954), which serves as the theoretical framework for this study. Informed by a critical engagement with contact theory, the research explores the processes and outcomes of contact in two shared education partnerships in Northern Ireland. Specifically, it seeks to respond to the need identified by Connolly (2000) and Dixon, Durrheim and Tredox (2005) for research that explores contact in ‘real world’ (as opposed to laboratory) settings, is cognisant of the social, political and historical context in which contact takes place, and pays greater attention to the “interpretive frameworks and practices” employed by participants “to make sense of their everyday relations” (Dixon et al, 2005: 704). With this in mind, the research is guided by the following questions:

1. What are students’ and teachers’ experiences of contact within shared education programmes?
2. What “interpretive frameworks and practices” do students and teachers employ to make sense of these experiences? What are the significant influences on these frameworks and consequent interpretations?
3. What are the implications of these perspectives for the outcomes of contact? What can be learnt from this to facilitate future positive encounters?

By developing a deeper understanding of pupils’ and teachers’ lived experiences of contact, it is intended that this research should inform future refinements of shared education programmes in Northern Ireland. Moreover, by highlighting the successes and challenges identified by participants, it should contribute to the development of similar initiatives in other contexts where societal divisions are reflected in the education system.  

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