Session Information
23 SES 04 C, Inclusive Policies in Different Education Contexts
Paper Session
Contribution
School policy in Germany is currently characterised by massive transformations of the differentiated school tier system as well as attempts to better integrate disabled students into the regular public school system. Both lines of transformation are closely linked to so-called „global events“ such as the famous PISA-shock, which since 2001 has operated as a catalyst of German education policy (Tillmann et al. 2008), or as the UN-convention for the rights of the disabled (UN-BRK), which pushed Germany to an „inclusive school agreement“ in 2009 (Blanck et al. 2013). However, as current studies show, these transformations are by no means linearly implemented in a top-down direction, but instead confronted with multiple setbacks, hybridization, diversification, resistance or political grassroots interest bargaining.
Analytically, the current reform ensemble reveals complex actor constallations within a multi-dimensional policy system, including global and national „frameworks of transformation“, Länder- and local particularities, as well as heavy processes of rescaling „between“ levels and sectors of policy, e.g. through the growing influence of policy networks. Hereby, the constellation is shaped by power and interest asymmetries, but also discourse and ideology.
To approach this complex interrelation more theoretically, this paper refers to the concept of strategic action fields (Fligstein/McAdam 2012) as well as the idea of path-dependency (Pierson 2000, Mahoney 2000, Ebbinghaus 2009) to show their noteworthy contribution to the observation of interplays between historic, social and political structures/events.
We refer to the particular case of Bremen, which – compared to other Länder – early turned towards integrative education (Mißling/Ückert 2014, Klemm 2013), but faced another crucial wave of reform after 2009, establishing an overall inclusive school system (§4 BremSchulG 2009), while at the same time reducing the number of secondary schools, with Gymnasium und Oberschule as the only remaining school tiers (§20 BremSchulG 2009). After decades of a polarized controversy and failed reform attempts Bremen has conducted a complete reform of its school structure. Why and how could the social, political, and legal obstacles for structural reform be overcome? What were the driving forces of reform in Bremen? For answering these two questions, we reconstructed the terms of reform condition historically and sociologically, by employing process-tracing based on expert interviews, document analysis, press reports and secondary literature.
Method
Expected Outcomes
References
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