In various countries, including Iceland, there is a discussion about a shortage of teachers. In many cases, this discussion centeres around the specific shortage of male teachers in preschool and the younger grades of compulsory education (e.g. Hjalmarsson & Löfdahl, 2014; Jóhannesson et al., 2002b). Another kind of discussion is about the quality and the importance of the induction of novice teachers (e.g., Estola et al., 2012; Jóhannesson et al., 2002a; Steingrímsdóttir & Engilbertsson, 2018).

Since the research group had already studied this among novice male teachers (see below), we decided to address the situation of young female teachers in Icelandic compulsory schools.

There are two main types of literature that the research is based on: theories of gender, including research about female and male teachers and the femininization of teaching; and theories and research about novice teachers.

Masculinity and feminity are key concepts about gender. Connell (2006) suggests that these concepts refer to characteristics which society believes belong to men and women. Connell (1987) has also suggested that hegemonic masculinity is possible because of emphasized feminity which subordinates women to men. Schippers (2007) has suggested that women who take control can perform pariah femininity that troubles the power relationship involved in the pair of hegemonic masculinity and emphasized feminity. Women tend to be expected to show care and male teachers to perform disciplinary actions (e.g., Hjalmarsson & Löfdahl, 2014). This is enforced with the feminization in the number of teachers worldwide (e.g., Warin & Gannerud, 2014).

In the second type of literature, research findings suggest that novice teachers need a few years – three to five – to gain competence and more time to acquire expertise (Berliner, 1992; Hammerness et al., 2005). There are indications that if the novices are not much supervised during an induction time, then they may continue to teach without necessary competence – or quit the job after a short time (e.g., Hammerness o.fl., 2005; Steingrímsdóttir, 2007). Estola et al. (2012) found that most novices meet similar challenges, importantly those that relate to the balance between work load and job satisfaction. They also find it challenging to organize the time to talk with colleagues, staff, students, and parents. Desirable forms of supervision include that each novice is at least for the first year assigned to an experienced teacher for guidance. This has only been followed to a limited extent in Iceland (Jóhannesson et al., 2022a; Steingrímsdóttir & Engilbertsson, 2018).

The study follows up on a two-year study of novice Icelandic male teachers conducted by the principal investigator and one of the cooperating researchers in this study. The findings of the study, in short, indicate that support with novice teachers is not well organized (Jóhannesson et al., 2022a) and that there are gendered expectations to the male teachers, such as being capable of “keeping discipline” in the classroom on grounds of their gender (Jóhannesson et al., 2022b).

Our focus is twofold: First, on how our interviewees had experienced their induction and, second, on the ways which issues of gender mattered in the expectations that they experienced and how these expectations interacted with the professional demands of being a teacher.

Three main questions guided the research design:

• What is the experience of newly graduated female teachers in Icelandic compulsory schools?
• In what ways is the experience of newly graduated female teachers gendered?
• Are there expectations that the newly graduated female teachers perform emphasized femininity?

The study began in early autumn 2021 when 11 newly graduated young (all but one between the age of 26 and 33 at the time) female teachers in Icelandic compulsory schools were interviewed. They had taught for none to three years; some of them had been teaching unlicensed for a short time. They were selected via a variety of methods: Via one of the teacher education faculties, via personal connections, via phone calls to principals in schools selected in the vicinity of where the interviewees reside. The interviewees taught in different parts of the country, such as in the urban capital city area, smaller towns, and the countryside. They all taught in schools run by municipalities, and they all followed the national curriculum of Iceland. The teachers taught at all levels of the compulsory school (grades 1¬–4, 5–7, 8–10). They were interviewed again in spring 2022 and autumn 2022 and will be interviewed for the fourth and last time in spring 2023. As three interviewees had to quit after the third interview, we expect to have altogether 41 interview. Murrey et al. (2009) describe this method as serial interviews. The interview frames were halfopen and developed as the study progressed. This approach gives the study a longitudinal element, by allowing us to explore change and process over time (Calman et al., 2013) and to follow up on certain issues in previous interviews. The analysis of the data follows common recommendations from Calman et al. (2013). This involves conducting both cross-sectional thematic analysis, in which all interviews are read several times to capture common themes in relation to the teachers’ gendered experience over time, as well as bringing forward narratives and experiences of individual interviewees. The analysis is to be data-driven (Braun & Clarke, 2013), focusing on capturing how gendered expectations and the professional induction of becoming a teacher evolved.

In the first three rounds of interviews, a few preliminary themes appeared. The first theme is that in lieu of and in addition to formal supervision, most of our interviewees were parts of formal or informal teams of teachers. This was certainly a supporting factor as in our previous study with male novices (Jóhannesson et al., 2022a). The second theme, which is related to the first theme, covers extensive cooperation in the classrooms and outside them with other teachers, including special educators; social educators; support staff; and others. Our preliminary results focus on the challenges of working with non-professional support staff of different ages and the gendered practices and behaviors of these staff members. The last preliminary theme is about the importance of developing a sense of easiness about letting go in order to be able to find balance between the job and private life — “be fair to yourself” in situations when it is felt that things are not “perfect”. This could include to do all preparation work in the school, although it might mean a longer workday at times. The preliminary results support the thesis that teaching is gendered and that there may be differences in the expectations to female and male teachers, as well as to support staff. We will continue investigate the relationship between different femininities in the accounts of our interviewees, not least whether they must perform emphasized femininity within the cultures of the schools. The implications will be discussed, as well as ways to support young teachers of all genders.

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