In France, a recurrent and widely publicised managerial discourse points to the allegedly specific relationship to work of the younger generation (Desplats & Pinaud, 2015; Dalmas, 2019; Haegel, 2020). Moreover, recruiters identify negative characteristics in young people simply because of their age (Dagnaud, 2013: Corteso et al. 2018). Less motivated by their work, more interested in other spheres of their lives, no longer respectful of the hierarchical framework, these young people would challenge the traditional organisation of the world of work.

The current economic context of the neoliberal policies of French governments since 2017 and the context of recovery from the crisis have led to a significant fall in unemployment, particularly among young people. This is leading to labour shortages and tensions on the labour market (Niang et al., 2022). In other countries, such as the United States, researchers are even talking about the "great resignation" (Liu Lastres et al., 2022). In such a context, the question of matching the supply of candidates, posed in terms of a failing relationship with work, with employers' demand under pressure, seems less and less relevant.

The idea that the younger generation's relationship with work can take a radical turn is not new, as Inglehart (1977) already suggested. Our paper therefore explores the reality of this 'new' relationship between young people and work. This notion is understood in a broad sense, referring as much to what young people think about the activity of work itself, about their jobs, as about the professional world and the structure of its relationships (Longo, 2019). The first question in our work is therefore to compare the discourse of young people with that of the media. Studies have shown that the younger generations aspire to benefit more from other spheres of life than work. This observation is linked to the general rise in educational attainment and is dependent on national contexts (Méda & Vendramin, 2013; Huang et al., 2003). A higher level of education gives a more distanced view of work, but also more self-confidence in relation to the labour market. In addition, there is a variation in the view of professional integration depending on the course of study followed in higher education. Students on literary and artistic courses, for example, are the ones who "refuse" to enter the labour market (Delès, 2018). Furthermore, job security appears to be more important for graduates of vocational courses, whereas job content is more important for graduates of general courses (Bene, 2021). These observations tie in with others on the influence of social origin on the relationship with the world of work (Altreiter & Flecker, 2020). The level of qualifications and the choice of course of study are correlated with a young person's social background. Students from working-class backgrounds have less knowledge of the labour market (Baker et al, 2018). On the other hand, students from the middle and upper classes are more familiar with the codes of the labour market and use them to secure the best possible job placement (Bathmaker et al., 2013; Burke et al., 2017). These results therefore tend to prove a correlation between level of qualifications, educational pathway, social origin and the critical dimension in the relationship to work. To pursue this line of thought, we wanted to investigate by distinguishing three groups of young people: students in selective courses of study, students in non-selective courses of study, and young people neither in training nor in employment,. So to what extent do young people's attitudes to work and their commitment to the world of work depend on their level of qualification and the training they have received?

The data presented in this paper was gathered as part of a major survey, bringing together economists and sociologists. The aim of this research is to understand recruitment difficulties by comparing the representations and views of employers with those of young people. This paper focuses on young people. To answer our question, we conducted semi-directive interviews (n=89) with three sub-groups: students enrolled in so-called 'selective' courses such as the grandes écoles (n=32), students enrolled in ordinary courses (general and vocational) (n=29) and unemployed young people monitored by employment services specialising in young people ('Missions locales') (n=25). The interview guide enabled us to examine three main aspects: young people's relationship with school and training, and their relationship with work and employment. We limited selection bias in the construction of our respondent population. To select the students on non-selective courses at university, we asked the heads of the courses to randomly select some of the students in the third year of the course. As for the young people who were furthest away from training, we went to the organisations that supported them in their job search and we asked them, again at random, to answer our questions. The profile of the people we interviewed was therefore very diverse in terms of gender, previous schooling, employment experience, social background, etc. We asked them to answer our questions at random.

Our analyses reveal that there is no uniform resignation trend in the relationship to work of the young people interviewed. Young people still aspire to find a job that allows them to earn money, develop themselves and maintain social ties. Nevertheless, we can observe a questioning, albeit in a minority, of the hierarchical organisation. This criticism is based on the individual experiences of vexation or humiliation. Criticism of superiors (bosses or managers) in employment leads some to aspire to be their own boss, i.e. to either set up their own business, to get away from the verticality, or to become self-employed. The desire to set up their own business can be found among the most highly educated as well as those who have had very little training. This observation confirms the idea that the first experiences of the world of work are important in building a relationship with the professional world (Charles, 2014; Daniels & Brooker, 2014). We also note that it is the young people on the most selective and prestigious courses, who are least affected by tensions on the labour market, who have the most distanced view of employment. Like students in the social sciences, they are also more likely to construct an abstract discourse about work. The least qualified young people may also have a distanced and critical view of the world of work, although their discourse is less theorised and abstract. Basically, it is also their experiences in employment that enable them to say that they reject certain forms of work organisation or the hierarchical relationship. Conversely, young people from vocational training courses, which are shorter but very closely linked to a specific profession, are those who are most in tune with the world of work and employers' expectations (Delès, 2018).

Altreiter, C., & Flecker, J., 2020, « I Get Money for What I Like Doing Best’ : The Class Origin of Young Blue-Collar Workers and their Commitment to Work », Work, Employment and Society, 34(6), 1097 1113. Baker, R., Bettinger, E., Jacob, B., & Marinescu, I., 2018, « The Effect of Labor Market Information on Community College Students’Major Choice », Economics of Education Review, 65, 18-30. Bathmaker, A.-M., Ingram, N. & Waller, R., 2013, « Higher education, social class and the mobilisation of capitals : Recognising and playing the game », British Journal of Sociology of Education, 34(5-6), 723-743. Burke, C., Scurry, T., Blenkinsopp, J., & Graley, K. (2017). Critical perspectives on graduate employability. Graduate employability in context: Theory, research and debate, 87-107. Charles, N., 2014, « Quand la formation ne suffit pas : la préparation des étudiants à l’emploi en Angleterre, en France et en Suède », Sociologie du travail, 56 (3), 320-341. Dalmas, M., 2019, « Génération Z et conception du travail : un nouvel enjeu pour la GRH », Revue internationale de psychosociologie et de gestion des comportements organisationnels, 24, 60, 97-116. Daniels, J., & Brooker, J. (2014). Student identity development in higher education: Implications for graduate attributes and work-readiness. Educational research, 56(1), 65-76. Delès, R., 2018, Quand on n’a « que » le diplôme… Les jeunes diplômés et l’insertion professionnelle, Paris, PUF. Huang, X., & Van de Vliert, E. (2003). Where intrinsic job satisfaction fails to work: National moderators of intrinsic motivation. Journal of Organizational Behavior: The International Journal of Industrial, Occupational and Organizational Psychology and Behavior, 24(2), 159-179. Geay, B. (dir.), 2009, La protestation étudiante, Paris, Raisons d’agir. Inglehart, R., 1977, The Silent Revolution, Princeton, Princeton University Press Longo, M.-D., 2019, « Rapports des jeunes au travail, pratique d’emploi et diplômes. L’amalgame de parcours différenciés », Agora débats/jeunesses, 79/2, p. 67-85. Liu-Lastres, B., Wen, H., & Huang, W. J. (2022). A reflection on the Great Resignation in the hospitality and tourism industry. International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management, 35 (1), pp. 235-249 Méda, D. & Vendramin, P., 2013, Réinventer le travail, Paris, PUF.