In the context of the last decades, the study of the experiences of non-traditional students in higher education, including first-generation university students (FGUS), has accounted for a large part of the academic and research agenda (Espinoza et al., 2022; Flanagan-Bórquez et al., 2023; Gable, 2021; Isopahkala-Bouret et al., 2018).

FGUS are typically defined as those whose parents or guardians did not graduate from a post-secondary institution (Beattie, 2018; Ishitani, 2003). Specifically, research conducted in Latin America (LA) shows that FGSs share characteristics and needs compared to FGUSs in the global north. Oftentimes, FGS come from a lower socioeconomic status, graduate from primary and secondary schools with lower academic attainments, fulfill multiple roles while studying, have higher subject failure rates, and their families have less knowledge about how to support the educational trajectory of their children (Flanagan-Bórquez, 2017; Guzmán-Valenzuela et al., 2023; Morosini and Felicetti, 2019; Pataro, 2019; Webb, 2019).

These characteristics challenge FGUSs’ access to higher education, requiring greater family and external support to be able to access and persist in university (Segovia and Flanagan-Bórquez, 2019). Unlike European countries, some studies in LA (Guzmán-Valenzuela et al., 2022; Guerrero-Valenzuela et al., 2022) have shown some family challenges in persistence, including internal tensions occurring when one member becomes the first to attend university or when FGUS must migrate to a city other than their hometown while highlighting the role of the mother and her participation in the educational perspectives of FGUS, assisting them in choosing post-secondary institutions and accompanying them during the university entry process (Guzmán-Valenzuela et al., 2022). Compared to educational models in some European countries, access to LA higher education usually depends on FGUS’s economic capital (Guerrero-Valenzuela et al., 2022). In countries such as Denmark and Sweden, access to prestigious programs is less limited to students of professional parents with greater cultural capital (Thomsen, 2018; Isopahkala-Bouret et al., 2018). On the other hand, in some countries of LA, FGUS are less likely to be admitted in selective institutions, highlighting that university selection procedures are an important source of exclusion (Espinoza et al., 2022). Traditional approaches to FGUS in LA and Chile have focused on describing the experiences of the students and there is limited research on hidden curriculum regarding FGS and academics’ perspectives.

This qualitative study examines the transformation of aspirational capital and the emergence of symbolic mobility among first-generation university students (FGUS). Symbolic mobility is defined as the process through which a student acquires recognition, legitimacy, and a reconfiguration of their perceived social status through transformation of symbolic capital as a result of their university trajectory. The specific research questions were: What is the symbolic mobility aspiration of first-generation university students in Chile? What are the main differences in this aspiration regarding a Global and European context? Exploring this question contribute to gain situated knowledge about the symbolic meaning that FGUSs attribute to obtaining a university degree and their aspirations for social and professional recognition after completing their studies. In addition, this research contributes with empirical knowledge and a conceptual proposal that situates the symbolic capital of FGUSs as part of a broader set of aspirations.

 The design of this qualitative research is informed by sociological frameworks drawing on the concepts of cultural, social, symbolic (Bourdieu, 1986), and aspirational capital (Yosso, 2005). Using the affordances of these range of conceptual tools this study seeks to critically analyze the nature of FGUS’s experiences, particularly seeking to understand the complex relationships of students with their own educational experiences, their symbolic capital, and its influence on intergenerational mobility aspirations.

This research is part of a mixed-methods study conducted in three phases and aimed at developing a comprehensive model of the experiences of FGUSs and their impact on retention and persistence in the Chilean context. This study describes the results of phase 1, employing a qualitative methodology to explore the symbolic mobility aspirations of FGUSs to obtain a university degree and their future (Creswell and Guetterman, 2019; Creswell and Poth, 2023). 22 semi-structured interviews were conducted with FGUS from different universities and program of studies in Chile. To participate in the study, participants had to meet the following inclusion criteria (Creswell and Poth, 2023): 1) Having a parent or legal guardian who have not pursued or completed a university degree, which itself constitutes the definition of a FGUS; 2) being currently pursuing a university undergraduate degree; and 3) having completed at least one academic semester, in order to ensure that the participant had a minimum of university experience. The interviews were conducted in person or online for those FGUSs living in remote areas. The interviews were recorded, conducted in Spanish (the authors' native language), and lasted approximately 50 to 60 minutes. The questions were developed following the recommendations of Dunwoodie et al. (2023) for constructing semi-structured interviews within a qualitative approach. These questions focused on the symbolic meaning attributed to the university degree and the participants' aspirations for social and professional recognition after graduation. The data analysis was conducted using a thematic analysis approach, as proposed by Braun and Clarke (2006), and following the procedures described by Creswell and Poth (2023) for qualitative studies. After familiarizing the authors with the interviews, an initial set of codes was developed focusing on participants' prior and future aspirations, along with their university experience. These codes included “Motivations for enrolling university,” “Changes resulting from the university experience,” and “Expectations about the future,” among others. These codes were reviewed and grouped to form preliminary categories, which subsequently served as the basis for defining the themes associated with FGUS's aspirations regarding different forms of capital, with a focus on symbolic capital. This latter process was carried out independently by each of the authors of this work and then analyzed and triangulated together (Guba and Lincoln, 2000).

The findings highlight that, prior their access to higher education, FGUSs’ aspirations are primarily oriented to achieve an economic stability and social mobility as a means of overcoming structurally disadvantaged family conditions. However, during their academic trajectory the aspirational capital is transformed and is characterized by the incorporation of new symbolic, social and academic dimensions. This change is driven by the social validation and legitimacy that FGUS perceive in their everyday interactions, particularly when their status as university students is recognized by their family members and others significative adults in social contexts. Thus, FGUS reorient their aspirations toward new forms of social recognition, academic development, and the possibility of generating impact beyond individual benefit.

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