Sense of belonging, a core human need (Baumeister & Leary, 1995), is pursued after fulfilling physiological and safety needs (Maslow, 1954). This need for connection and being part of stable social networks (Allen et al., 2021) plays a significant role in educational contexts. Developing a sense of belonging is linked to positive student outcomes, such as well-being, increased motivation, academic success, and persistence (Suhlmann et al., 2018; Yildirim et al., 2021). However, seeking a sense of belonging can also deplete valuable resources in educational settings (Strayhorn, 2019). In higher education, fostering belonging is vital for both academic and social integration (Tinto, 2012) and can influence retention decisions (Suhlmann et al., 2018). Marginalized groups face particular challenges concerning their sense of belonging (Allen et al., 2021), and their experiences of social and academic integration may differ across various axes of inequality. Exploring these differential experiences of belonging and integration in higher education is increasingly important, especially considering recent concerns about low student retention rates at German universities. Factors affecting retention include both individual and institutional elements, such as motivation, satisfaction with studies, financial concerns, prior education, parental education, and other demographic factors (Behr et al., 2020). Therefore, understanding the role of belonging in relation to these factors carries utmost importance. 

Belonging in higher education refers to students’ sense of social support on campus, including feelings of connectedness and being valued or cared for by the campus community, such as faculty, staff, and peers, while being closely linked to social identities (Strayhorn, 2019; Vaccaro & Newman, 2022). Different identities may lead to diverse experiences. However, the connection between belonging and social identities has been scarcely explored in the context of educational inequality.

Ostrove and Long (2007) emphasize that exploring the concept of belonging is crucial for understanding how social class influences education. Class, along with gender, race, and ability markers, significantly shapes who gets to belong in institutions of higher education institutions, both explicitly and implicitly (Ostrove & Long, 2007). This involves which types of cultural capital are recognized by privileged groups, often aligned with middle-class standards. Therefore, adopting a broad view of cultural capital is vital for understanding marginalized students' experiences, acknowledging forms such as linguistic, social, aspirational, resistant, familial, and navigational capital (Yosso, 2005). Additionally, the sense of cultural fit (Kramer & Helsper, 2010), referring to the match between students’ habitus and university culture, affects their higher education experiences. Existing research highlights differences in cultural fit (Lange-Vester & Sander, 2016; Grunau, 2017; Lange-Vester & Bremer, 2020; Hild, 2019) and underscores the importance of institutional habitus (Byrd, 2025). 

Experiences of conflicts between individual habitus and university structure can cause students to feel alienation and shame (Schmitt, 2010; Lange-Vester & Bremer, 2020). Therefore, habitus and cultural fit are crucial for social and academic integration, as well as influencing differences in goal-based and institutional commitment (Grunau & Petzold, 2021) at higher education institutions. In Austria, Weiß (2025) explored the sense of belonging among working-class students through a Bourdieusian lens, emphasizing that belonging develops as a relational process and highlighting the importance of peers, cultural fit, and perceived barriers. Accordingly, addressing the gap in empirical research on the intersection of belonging, social identities, and cultural fit, this study examines, within the German higher-education context, how undergraduates construct meanings of university belonging and systematically compares the experiences of sense of university belonging among first- and continuing-generation students.

This exploratory qualitative interview study, informed by an inequality perspective, investigates the experiences of students from diverse backgrounds. A multiple-case study design was used to explore differences in feelings of belonging in higher education. An abductive approach guided both theme development and analysis, combining inductive insights from the data with theory-based interpretation (Kennedy & Thornberg, 2018). The format allowed for meaningful comparisons between first- and continuing-generation students, highlighting their status as a key axis of inequality (Ndame, 2023). The study aims to examine how experiences of belonging vary by generational status and addresses specific research questions. 1. How do students from diverse backgrounds construct meanings of belonging and experience the sense of belonging at university? 2. How do first-generation students perceive and experience university differently in comparison to continuing generation students? A sample of 20 semi-structured interviews was collected from undergraduate students aged 20 to 25 in the north-western region of Germany. These participants come from various fields of study, including teaching, social sciences, linguistic and cultural studies, STEM, economics, law, medicine, and health sciences. A combination of sampling methods was used: a convenience approach involving distributing flyers on campus, complemented by voluntary response sampling through posters. Snowball sampling was also utilized to reach a diverse group of students (Meyer & Mayrhofer, 2022). The inclusion criteria required participants to be current undergraduates aged 18 to 25 who identify with one or more key axes of inequality, such as gender, language, or university type, along with generational status. Semi-structured interviews were conducted either online via Zoom or in person, lasting approximately 45 to 60 minutes. The interview guide addressed core themes such as the meaning of belonging, integration within the university environment, experiences of connectedness and disconnection, perceptions of university culture, and institutional socio-dynamics. After each interview, participants were encouraged to complete a voluntary post-interview questionnaire. Data analysis comprised qualitative content analysis (Kuckartz & Rädiker, 2022) and was conducted in two stages using MAXQDA 24, a software for qualitative data analysis. The process involved abductive thematic analysis (Kennedy & Thornberg, 2018) followed by a comparative analysis of code occurrences. Ethics approval was secured from the institutional Ethics Review Board at Bielefeld University.

Developing a sense of belonging to the university involves individual, social, and institutional factors. Students reported both shared and unique experiences related to their university belonging. The findings of this study suggest how belonging experiences tend to differ by generational status. Therefore, common elements are supplemented by differences in understanding individual, social, and institutional sources of belonging. First, experiences of individual belonging in higher education are shaped by how the transition to the higher education system is experienced and by differential pathways to constructing a sense of university belonging. Moreover, representation and visibility, the development of departmental or institutional identifications, and structural and lived exclusions, can be understood as sources of individual belonging. Second, social connectedness is an important facet of university belonging for students in general and can be understood as a shared understanding among first- and continuing-generation students. The experiences of social connectedness to the university are shaped by peer relationships and campus social integration, the formation of homogeneous peer groups and the social value they confer, the presence of affinity-based and intercultural supportive communities, and interactions with university staff who serve as both relational supports and institutional resources. Third, institutional belonging is shaped by the academic culture and navigation, institutional involvement and socialization, policy engagement, and the students’ perceptions of institutional responsiveness and solidarity. Overall, first-generation students often find the transition to university initially alienating and, as an access-centered achievement, exacerbated by linguistic, socioeconomic, and geographic barriers and limited familiarity with academic culture, so they build belonging gradually through study-focused peer networks, affinity/intercultural communities, and staff support. Conversely, continuing-generation students usually feel an immediate “sense of home” with greater institutional and departmental engagement and broader social integration beyond coursework. Both groups value peer relationships, representation, and responsive staff, but see discrimination and structural barriers as undermining belonging.

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