European countries have witnessed significant changes in immigration patterns over the last few decades and, as a result, the population of many European countries is becoming more culturally and linguistically diverse (Parsons and Smeeding, 2006). These changes have brought new challenges to European countries, which have to find ways of integrating a more heterogeneous population into their societies. Recent discussions over the failure of multiculturalism in Germany, France or England point to the difficulties European countries face in relation to immigration and integration (Beauchemin et al, 2010, Connolly, 2010, Modood, 2010).

In this context, research has emphasised the role of school in ensuring ‘successful’ integration by equipping future citizens with the necessary linguistic, social and cultural tools to participate fully in society (Advisory Group on Citizenship, 1998, Van Zanten, 2003). However, as immigrant children continue to face issues of inequality, underachievement, discrimination and exclusion in schools across Europe, this role has been called into question (Gillborn, 2008, OECD, 2008, Felouzis 2005, Welply, 2010).

Furthermore, ‘successful’ integration in schools in Europe tends to be measured essentially in terms of achievement, with a focus on large-scale numerical studies such as PISA (Doyle, 2008). Whilst these studies are good overall indicators of one aspect of integration in school, they tend to overlook other dimensions of integration; in particular the experience of immigrant children themselves, and the way they construct ethnic, linguistic, cultural and religious identities in relation to school. It thus seems necessary to go beyond a solely numerical focus to look deeper at what happens in the classroom, and in particular to listen to the voices of immigrant children themselves.

Finally, as many European countries face similar issues in terms of immigration and education, adopting a cross-national perspective and exploring the role played by different national approaches to education and integration can help gain further insight into the dynamics of integration in schools (Van Zanten, 2003).

The study reported in this paper adopts a cross-national perspective and focuses on two European countries: France and England. These countries face similar challenges in terms of immigration yet present contrasting models of integration. The English ‘multicultural’ approach, based on the acknowledgment of plurality and diversity contrasts strongly with the French Republican model, which promotes universality and equality as its core values.

This paper examines forms of identity constructions by second-generation immigrant children in Primary school classrooms in France and England. The study embraces a post-structuralist view of identity (Hall, 1992, Pavlenko and Blackledge, 2003), which defines identity as multiple, fluid and changing, yet grounded in context and culture. In this view, the paper addresses the following questions: How do immigrant children view multicultural differences in relation to school?  How do they negotiate these differences as part of their identities in school? What roles do national educational contexts play in the way immigrant children construct these identities in school?

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