Glasgow is Scotland’s largest city and during the past two decades has established itself as one of the most vibrant cultural centres in the UK. However, it has been estimated that almost a quarter of Glasgow’s total population live in the most deprived 5 per cent of Scotland’s neighbourhoods and that 18 per cent of all 16-19 year olds are part of the NEET (not in education, employment or training) group. Recent news reports have estimated that 170 street gangs currently exist in Glasgow and that 51% of Glasgow teenagers consider themselves to be gang members and have inflicted serious violence against others (Forrest, 2007; Leask, 2007). This paper will examine the indicators of social capital generated by recent research (Blaxter et al., 2001; Ruston, 2002; AERS, 2004; Leonard and Onyx. 2004). It will explore the distinction between bonding and bridging social capital (Putnam, 2000) and will draw upon the distinctions between the more individualistic theories associated with Bourdieu and the focus on the need for networks of trust and coordinated social action, as illustrated by Putnam. The paper will consider the extent to which groups of young Glasgow people, who could be described as vulnerable and marginalised, are engaging with the social capital indicators. It will draw upon evidence from a small ethnographic study of young people who have become disenfranchised by educational failure, worklessness and poverty and who could be viewed as being part of, or on the margins of, the NEET group. It will also explore the voices of young people from immigrant populations and asylum seeking families, some of whom are cut off culturally, socially and economically from their families. The paper will examine the young people’s views on life in Glasgow, the extent of their civic participation, social networks and levels of reciprocity and trust. It will illustrate the extent to which many of these young people gain a sense of inclusion and community identity through territorial gang membership. The paper will also explore the potential that schools and community organisations may have for generating positive aspects of social capital among these young people, as well as exploring potential barriers. Case studies of the work of community-based groups and charities who are initiating projects which seek to combat territorial issues with teenagers will be explored. Through drawing upon a range of ‘critical incidents’ (ie, key experiences during the initiatives that were significant to the young people) the paper will illustrate how the researcher was able to ascribe these accounts of experiences to social capital indicators.

The outcomes from the research illustrate that, while many of the young people engage in positive examples of civic participation, the dark side of social capital is also very much at work within their communities, where high levels of social norms are combined with low levels of tolerance. Community-based initiatives, particularly those focused on football coaching and development, hold some potential for generating positive aspects of social capital among marginalised youth. .