'A Day In The Life': A Visual Ethnographic Study Of Upbringing As A 'Rhizome'
Author(s):
Philippe Noens (presenting / submitting) Stefan Ramaekers
Conference:
ECER 2015
Network:
Format:
Paper

Session Information

Paper Session

Time:
2015-09-10
11:00-12:30
Room:
316.Oktatóterem [C]
Chair:
Sofia Marques da Silva

Contribution

Within the last decades, who and what family is, along with the question what ‘tasks’ family (still) should perform, is steadily investigated (Edwards & Gillies, 2012). In general, we can make a distinction between two ‘types’ of descriptions. One school of thought uses, in a certain way, more top-down definitions or descriptions of family (e.g., in legal texts, policy documents), meaning that ‘family’ is explained through (focusing on) one or more underlying processes or (f)actors – such as residence, kinship, marriage – that are then considered to be prime constitutors of ‘family’. The other side of the debate calls attention to more bottom-up perspectives. While criticizing the idea of ‘family’ as a static entity (e.g., Bernardes, 1999), rather than trying to precisely define ‘family’, the scholars here want to understand how laypeople experience or ‘do’ ‘family’ (e.g. Morgan, 1996) or attach the meaning ‘family’ to personal relationships (e.g. Roseneil, 2006). In this perspective ‘family’ is, among other things, more a feeling (of connectedness) or some-thing people actively ‘do’ instead of some-thing they are or (simply) belong to.

We sympathize with the idea that ‘family’ is not solely based on, for instance, biological or juridical criteria, but is instead a specific ‘doing’. Nevertheless, we are not entirely convinced that ‘bottom-up’ descriptions grasp everything we need to (or can) know about ‘family’: both schools of thought still emphasize a certain kind of ‘person centeredness’, linking ‘family’ with (the effort undertaken by) people (to maintain a family). Put differently: it seems each description of ‘family’ upholds the belief that human beings are the most significant actors, i.e. are what that “make a difference” (Latour, 2007, p. 71). This ontological idea seems especially true in the current European discourse on upbringing, i.e. the ‘new’ parenting culture (Lee, Bristow, Faircloth, & Macvarish, 2014). In an important sense, we could say that nowadays upbringing – especially when it is conceptualized as ‘parenting’ - is understood as something that takes place within a one-to-one interaction scheme between parent and child; the ‘vigilant’ adult needs to be constantly alert for possible developmental opportunities and risks and the child is a vulnerable individual with particular developmental and other needs. The pedagogical challenge, so to speak, lies then in giving the ‘right’ support at the ‘right’ moment for this particular child to develop properly – a human endeavor, driven by the parent(s).

The dyadic construction of ‘parenting’ leads to a narrow theoretical perspective where other things (e.g., other family members, material stuff) are rarely considered as relevant. Upbringing, in the ‘parent-ing’ sense, begins and ends with parent and child as the only two actors in this ‘being together’. We do not challenge the idea of parents and children as important points of access into upbringing practice(s), but perhaps human beings are not the sole elements in upbringing. Whereas the current view on parenting undeniably puts subjects/parents in the forefront of upbringing, we understand upbringing as a practice where a multiplicity is at play, that is, we view upbringing as an assemblage or a rhizome (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987). The rhizome is a protean analogy, both heterogeneous and multiplicitous. It describes the connections that occur between (what seems at first) disparate or similar elements (material objects, people, places, ideas); to describe a rhizome is to ‘map’ the (strange) chains of events that link elements together. By conceptualizing upbringing as a rhizome, we may have a tool that allows us to think beyond the dyadic relationship between parent and child. Hence, it may allow us to re-visit and rethink the pedagogical side of family apart from the developmental psychological argument.

Method

Alongside this particular understanding of upbringing (as a complex rhizome of elements with many beginnings and endings, where connections are (un)made endlessly), a specific approach that allows ‘seeing’ and studying this practice is necessary. Instead of relying on an institutional, typological or legal approach, we believe that an ecological approach is needed in order to study upbringing as an assemblage, that is, to describe the enactment of specific actors, relations, materiality’s into stable patterns or configurations (e.g. Stengers, 2005). An ecological approach is not limited to the classic ontological idea of family as a human-driven constitution, but seeks to examine how heterogeneous elements fit together relationally into an identifiably entity. In other words, rather than focusing on upbringing in terms of human agency (i.e. the acts of parents and the re-actions of children) and pre-assumed goals and intentions (e.g., an emotional balanced child), we want to examine upbringing as a never-ending practice where agency emerges from the distribution of forces between (non-)human elements in a network. At this point, the research links up with our previous attempts to displace or broaden the dominant view on upbringing (where the language of developmental psychology is omnipresent) with an ecological approach that seeks to study upbringing at the moment of its making (Sørensen, 2009). On the basis of these preliminary studies, we developed a specific ethnographic method, making use of video to ‘shadow’ the members populating this particular rhizome. Videotaping a ‘family’ - in this case: a blended family - allows for coverage of ‘family’ in the complexity of their home (over an extended period of time: 24 hours); it helps capture elusive and ‘uncommon’ actors (e.g., I-pad, toys, (grand)parents); and we retain sequences of observed material for later scrutiny which can result in ‘adequate’ descriptions, i.e. not focusing on the reasons of the subjects, but instead focusing on the (human and non-human) ‘doings’ through which upbringing is enacted. We follow a particular protocol to become ‘present in the present’ (Foucault, 1997): we subject ourselves to watching the footage over and over again, suspending judgments and suppressing assumptions – “losing the company of ourselves together with our typical alertness” (quote from the Belgian film director Luc Dardenne) – becoming attentive for what there is to see. We show upbringing as a constantly mutating rhizome, that is, a practice which can start and end at any point, building on ‘familiar’ connections or making new ones.

Expected Outcomes

As the study is still being effectuated, we can only hint at some preliminary conclusions in the form of expected outcomes. We expect the study to contribute to the field of childrearing studies as well as visual ethnography on at least three levels: (1) empirical results with respect to the idea of upbringing as a practice that ‘shows’ itself as a continuously mutating assemblage which potentially can happen anywhere, making use of almost everything; (2) methodological results by sharpening visual ethnographic methodology and adapting it for family context; (3) theoretical results concerning alleged dominance of ‘developmental language’ in contemporary family (life). In the end, the pedagogical challenge of ‘family’ perhaps not only lies in supporting the child’s development (making upbringing a kind of individual ‘project’), which points to ‘family’ as a space of becoming, but instead lies in a process of continual exposure that refuses the teleology of a single, determinate end point, hence in a space of being.

References

Bernardes, J. (1999). We must not define ‘the family’! Marriage and Family Review, 28, 21-44. Deleuze, G., & Guattari, F. (1987). A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Edwards, R. & Gillies, V. (2012). Farewell to family? Notes on an argument for retaining the concept. Families, Relationships and Societies, 1(1), 63-69. Foucault, M. (1997). Nietzsche, genealogy and history. In: P. Rabinow (Ed.), Essential works of Foucault (pp.1954-1984). New York: New Press. Latour, B. (2007). Reassembling The Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network-Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lee, E. Bristow, J. Faircloth, C. & Macvarish, J. (2014) Parenting Culture Studies. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Morgan D. (1996). Family Connections: An Introduction to Family Studies. Cambridge: Polity Press. Stengers, I. (2005). The cosmopolitical proposal. In: B. Latour & P. Weibel (Eds.), Making things public. Atmospheres of Democracy (pp. 994-1003). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Sørensen, E. (2009). The Materiality of Learning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Roseneil, S. (2006). On not living with a partner: unpicking coupledom and cohabitation, Sociological Research Online, 11(3), at http://www.socresonline.org.

Author Information

Philippe Noens (presenting / submitting)
University of Leuven
Educational Sciences
Tielrode
KU Leuven
Education, Culture and Society
Leuven

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