The De-masculinization of the Young Gay Male - He’s Angry
Author(s):
Elle Hilke Dominski (presenting / submitting)
Conference:
ECER 2015
Format:
Paper

Session Information

ERG SES G 07, Gender and Education

Paper Session

Time:
2015-09-08
09:00-10:30
Room:
324. [Main]
Chair:
Iveta Kestere

Contribution

With an increased level of interest in young peoples rights for full development, the United Kingdom has employed several school-based initiatives supporting children with the aim to transition them as effectively as possible from one phase to the next. As such, many aspects of childhood are being studied to inform, including bullying.Although recognizing bullying as having detrimental affects upon students, Cooper et al. (2004) reminds us that not all bullying is being addressed equally, nor occurring only in school. 

 

Some researchers (e.g. Davies, 2004) suggest young gay males are subject to sexism through homophobic bullying. This is further supported by organizations serving LGBT adolescents who are aware that sexual minority youth face sexism due to their sexual identity. However, there is an increased concern amongst youth workers that these feelings of oppression and consequences of sexism have resulted in young gay males engaging in sexist behavior themselves as a socially accepted hierarchical model. Adult gay male misogyny is already well researched (e.g. Connell, 2005); however, it is becoming increasingly difficult to ignore why young gay males use sexism as a tool to support masculine boundaries, and is under-researched.

 

This paper considers why gay male youth support hegemonic masculinities through sexist bullying. I draw from a series of seminars I ran with an LGBT youth organization, each attended by twelve to seventeen male and female sexual minority adolescents. A variety of discussions and activities focused on sexism and the young LGBT community.

 

During these sessions, the impact of homophobia and feminized sexuality was discussed, creating tensions for several of the boys present. I therefore examined the effects of their feelings of de-masculinization, and their efforts to reclaim their idea of manhood.

 

Gay men ‘doing’ sexism, perpetuating socially reproduced masculinities has been considered (e.g. Stoltenberg, 1989, 2000), but not the gay youth and the reasons why he engages. Much hostility toward women and resentment of being associated with the feminine was present in the sessions. Becoming interested in this phenomenon due to the intensity of their attitude, I engaged with these young men. It became clear it was not in of itself an issue of identity politics and attempts to engage with hegemonic masculinities, as additional power imbalances were revealed.

 

These young men’s hostility toward women seemed to be more of an expression of frustration rather than a form of male privilege alone. It was not only the feminization of their sexuality which conflicted with their own masculinities, but compromises with their partners whose own efforts of reconciling with heteronormativity played an important role. As both boys sought their own space in what they felt masculinity is and should look like, one’s perceived weakness seemed to manifest a sense of strength in the other.

 

In an effort to gain social influence, these gay male youths expressed verbal sexist aggression because of their own frustrations over their de-masculinization.  Their frustrations about heteronormatively defined masculinity as well as attempts to reconcile with what their own maleness should look like, including what it should look like in their relationships was revealed during group discussions. Their ostensible lack of acceptance from their school and social communities coupled with a feminized classification from their partners seemed to underpin their drive to regain individuality as young men strengthening their need to separate from, and weaken the women with whom they are compared.

 

These boys are angry; this is a look at why gay misogyny seems so aggressive in the early years. They tend to feel demonized and see themselves as victims, and are attempting to reconcile their place in the world.

Method

The first stage of the project was free form discussion conducted at the youth site, which then revealed the topic. I mapped material during the second stage of the project, followed by a critical review of 33 documents. These documents included a selection of peer reviewed articles from eight professional journals, four education policy documents, nine research reports, followed by a number of human rights summaries and documents, as well as several texts. I considered the following guiding questions during the literature review: 1. What are the social values underpinning sexism? 2. Whose masculinity is being considered? 3. Why is gay sexism happening? 4. When is it happening? 5. How is the UK government implementing education policy to support sexual minority youths? 6. What is the evidence? These questions guided my approach to consider texts on homophobic bullying, gay misogyny, UK education policy and sexual minority youth, the UK’s ratification of human rights doctrines to support youth and the construction of masculinity. The third stage of the project set out to determine which aspects of heteronormativity was underpinning revealed attitudes through supportive activities. By designing the sessions around dialogue and activity, and utilizing established methods such as the Sex Role Inventory and role-playing, I was able to support my initial hypothesis about these young men. My hypothesis was that not just one aspect of normative male roles played a central part in establishing the boundaries of their idea of masculinity and male sexuality, with which they seemed to be struggling. During the fourth stage, I conducted several seminars focusing specifically on sexism and LGBT youth. Part of the time was spent engaging with additional free form discussion allowing their ideas and feelings to bubble to the surface. This was followed by organized discussions around several pre-planned discussion points based on Suzanne Pharr’s Homophobia: A Weapon of Sexism (1997), including a questionnaire on heterosexism, discussing similarities and differences. As follow-up, participants completed a sex role inventory (based on Dr. S. Lipsitz’ inventory) to assist in illustrating that everyone harbors prejudices fueled by stereotypes. Lastly, youths participated in a role-playing exercise based on Plous’ illustration on how to respond to overt prejudices. Data was voice recorded and surveys and questionnaires filled out by participants. Field notes were taken during and after each session.

Expected Outcomes

Findings: Eight participants filled out a survey, seventeen completed a sex-role stereotyping inventory and participated in discussions and twelve participated in a role-playing activity. Analysis revealed: 1. Sex Role Stereotyping Inventory: results indicated responses were majority with stereotypical feminine traits: a. 53 percent favored feminine (3 males, 6 females), b. 29 percent favored masculine traits (4 males, 1 female) and c. 18 percent favored androgynous traits (2 male, 1 female). 2. Results were supported during discussions and role-playing exercises through their expressions of gender. 3. Those who seemed more secure with their sexuality, although initially participating in sexist attitudes, changed to a supportive role. Yet, those who seemed angry remained verbally offensive and sexist. One participant disclosed, although considering himself male in both sex and gender, that due to his homosexuality was feminized by his peers. As he negotiated the meaning making of manhood to locate his identity, he struggled with social pressure to conform. To further compound his frustration, he felt his partner (also male in both sex and gender) often belittled him, suggesting his place was in the kitchen, like a woman. Not only did he face external heteronormative pressures, but also from his partner. This scenario played out in a variety of ways with several of the young men, which seemed to fuel misogynistic attitudes. Drawing on data from these exercises, I illustrate how and why some gay male youths in conflict with patriarchal power, simultaneously exhibit sexist prejudices toward women as an attempt to reconcile their own masculinities. Although not a broad study, evidence revealed the need to recognize fully all forms of bullying in the United Kingdom. Further study is needed to determine the full scope and impact on gay youths social and school development.

References

The BEM Sex Role Inventory, retrieved from: http://garote.bdmonkeys.net/bsri.html Connell, R. W.; Messerschmidt, James W. (2005) Hegemonic masculinities, Rethinking the Concept, GENDER & SOCIETY, Vol. 19 No. 6, December 2005 829-859 DOI: 10.1177/0891243205278639 Retrieved from: http://gas.sagepub.com/content/19/6/829.full.pdf+html?hwshib2=authn%3A1422519053%3A20150128%253Adad77af4-ee2a-43e4-8ec2-12f82876b142%3A0%3A0%3A0%3AbDgn2rzglHBdxd%2FM4rJWaw%3D%3D Cooper, Cary L.; Hoel, Helge; Faragher, Brian (2004) Bullying is detrimental to health, but all bullying behaviours are not necessarily equally damaging, British Journal of Guidance & Counselling, 32:3, 367-387, DOI: 10.1080/03069880410001723594 Retrieved from: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/03069880410001723594 Davies, M (2004) Correlates of negative attitudes toward gay men: Sexism, male role norms, and male sexuality, The Journal of Sex Research 41:3, 259-266, DOI:10.1080/00224490409552233 (Published online 2012) Retrieved from: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00224490409552233#.VMi4OnbsN8Y Pharr, S (1997) Homophobia: A Weapon of Sexism, Chardon Press: Berkley, California, USA Stoltenberg J (1989, 2000) Refusing to be a Man: essays on sex and justice, Routledge: London and New York

Author Information

Elle Hilke Dominski (presenting / submitting)
University of Nottingham
School of Education
Nottingham

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