As in many European countries, it has been recognised in Iceland that mainstream (i.e., neighbourhood) schools should be the first choice for students with special educational needs. Iceland’s Compulsory School Act (Menntamálaráðuneytið, 2008) stipulates that all students should receive 10 years of compulsory schooling by attending mainstream schools. This policy is in accordance with international perspectives holding that sending some children to special schools labels them and prevents their equal access to social and educational opportunities (United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, 2009; UNESCO, 1994).

Though arguably clear, the legislation continues to be debated in Iceland. Bjarnason (2009) pointed out that the movement for educating all students in neighbourhood schools is by no means universally praised by parents and teachers. Björnsdóttir and Jónsdóttir (2014) reported that only half of teachers consider it important that all children attend their neighbourhood school. This poll result is especially alarming since teacher beliefs and teaching self-efficacy regarding children with special needs are primary means to develop effective teaching practice (MacFarlane & Woolfson, 2013).

Yet, negative attitudes toward inclusion do not constitute a phenomenon unique to Iceland. In a review of primary schoolteachers’ attitudes toward inclusion in several countries, de Boer, Pijl, and Minnaert (2011) concluded that teachers seem to be either negative or undecided toward inclusive education. Though teachers tend to be quite positive about the idea, they have concerns about its practicality (Avramidis & Norwich, 2002). Such negative and neutral attitudes are also alarming, since teachers and their beliefs influence the effectiveness of their teaching practice (Curcic, 2009).

As the emphasis on including all children in Iceland’s mainstream schools has increased, possibilities for parents to influence schools have also grown. In fact, each of Iceland’s compulsory schools is required to have a school council with two parent representatives (Menntamálaráðuneytið, 2008). Parental participation in these school councils is vital, for among their many responsibilities the councils participate in policymaking by discussing curricular guidelines and debating all proposed plans for major changes to school operations and activities.

It is therefore concerning that only a third of Iceland’s parents consider it very important that all children in Iceland attend their neighbourhood schools (Björnsdóttir & Jónsdóttir, 2014). In recent years, there has also been pressure to raise educational standards (Norwich, 2009), which has encouraged some parents to believe, rightly or wrongly, that universal neighbourhood school attendance and improved academic standards cannot be achieved at the same time. Such thinking might in turn influence attitudes toward inclusion and make parents less likely to push for the effective inclusion of all children in neighbourhood schools. Parents with more capital and capacity, with experiences of success in school, and who highly value education tend to be better equipped to tackle home–school relationships (Dannesboe et al., 2012) which makes them important allies in promoting all-inclusive practices.

The attitudes of parents who have children with special needs might differ from those of parents in general they might be more positive. Elkins, Van Kraayenoord, and Jobling (2003) concluded that parents favoured inclusion when their children were supported well at school.

In this paper, I will investigate which factors of parents’ and children’s backgrounds influence their attitudes toward inclusion using data from the project Teaching and Learning in Icelandic Schools.

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