Drop Outs or Push Outs in Swedish Upper Secondary School 1995-2006
Author(s):
Johanna Mellén (presenting / submitting)
Conference:
ECER 2015
Format:
Paper

Session Information

ERG SES D 05, Secondary Education

Paper Session

Time:
2015-09-07
13:30-15:00
Room:
309. [Main]
Chair:
Pieter Verstraete

Contribution

In this paper the youths that leave Swedish upper secondary education (normally ages 16-18) before their second year are studied. Using registry data this large scale study concerns individual and contextual characteristics in the outlined group over time. The questions asked are a)if there is an over representation of students with certain social backgrounds within the group, b)if this varies among the different upper secondary programs and c)if there are changes over time.

In the Swedish as well as the European context of today, youth education in the later stages is important for the transition to the labor market and the possibilities to take active part in society. Across Europe, the problems with youths leaving school early are similar (see e.g. Ahola &Kivel, 2007; Murray, 2000). Due to this and its large scale design, this study is argued to be of  interest outside the Swedish context. In Sweden, policy makers have been concerned about the ‘early school leavers’ since the beginning of the 1970s, when an increasing share of youths went on to upper secondary level. To handle the over representation of early school leavers from working class groups, changes to facilitate the transition from compulsory school and closer connection to local workplaces were suggested (SOU 1981:86). Focus in the paper is on the reforms of upper secondary school during the 1990s, where these ideas were implemented alongside a number of other changes.

In 1990 almost all youths went on to upper secondary level, attending either academic or vocational education within various areas. In 1991, a third year was introduced to the former two-year vocational programs. In 1994 the numerous programs were re-arranged into 16 national ones. Also, the so called individual program was established with the intention to provide a passage to the national programs for those who lacked grades from compulsory school. Furthermore, a new curriculum and a goal-orientated grading system with a clear pass/fail distinction were introduced in 1994/1995. From the mid-1990s the responsibility for schools shifted from state to local level. Another reform during this time was that students no longer had to attend the local upper secondary school. At the same time new directives enabled independent actors to establish schools. The following years the Swedish school system saw a growing marketization, with schools profiling themselves to attract particular groups of students and an increasing share of students attending independent alternatives (Lundahl, Arreman, Lundström & Rönnberg, 2010; Arreman &Holm, 2011).

Recent research has shown that the share of students who studied three years or more in upper secondary school dropped when the goal-orientated grading system was introduced (IFAU, 2014). Despite the falling numbers, the report concludes that this does not necessarily mean that the number of students that actually studied for three years have dropped as much. In the report, focus is on the group of students that leave after two years or more and the group of students that leave earlier is regarded as minor. However, the number of students leaving before their second year is around 5000 each birth cohort (N approximately 100.000) and this paper demonstrate that it is important from an equity perspective to map out different individual and contextual factors for this set of students over time.

Also discussed in this paper is the concept of ‘early school leavers’ and a distinction is made between ‘drop outs’ and ‘push outs’ (Blaug, 2008), where the former links the responsibility to the individual and the latter turns the problem into a system matter. This study also draws on the works of Bourdieu (1930-2002), discussing why some groups systematically fail within the education system.

Method

Data from the Gothenburg Educational Longitudinal Database (GOLD) have been used for this study. GOLD compiles information from many different sources, taking advantage of the fact that in Sweden registry data is stored with a personal identification number. For this study, data containing all students that started upper secondary school from 1995 to 2006 were selected (n=1295645). This twelve-year period was chosen to shed some light on the potential changes related to the major reforms in the early 1990s. The choice of study period was also due to the circumstance that students attending upper secondary education from 1995 and onwards were registered on a yearly basis, allowing research on those who leave before their second year. To evaluate eventual changes in the group composition regarding social background the starting-years of 1996, 2001 and 2006 were used. In this study a detailed descriptive analysis of group characteristics for those who leave upper secondary education before their second year was performed. The group was defined on the basis of the following conditions • Registered start 1995-2006 • Not registered for a second or third year. • Not returning within a five year period. The reason for using starting-year instead of birth cohorts, which is more common in previous research (see e.g. Svensson, 2011), was to capture all students that went in to the system a certain year. In most cases, Swedish youths start upper-secondary education when they are sixteen years of age. However, the age limit for starting is twenty years of age. By using starting-year, eventual changes in student composition with respect to social background can be related to system changes for specific years. The social background categories used in the analysis were • Gender • Parents’ educational background based on the highest level among parents, divided into less than respectively equal to or more than 2 years of higher education. • Migration background, divided into one or both parents born in Sweden or not. To provide a more detailed picture, students’ grade point average from compulsory school and what kind of program they attend were related to the social background categories mentioned above.

Expected Outcomes

This study is part of a larger project researching consequences of the Swedish school reforms, called CHANCE, financed by the Swedish Research Council. The project is a longitudinal effect study, with the aim to sort out how the equity and efficiency of the school system has been affected by the vast changes in the 1990s. Although the share of students that do not attend for a second or third year is quite stable over time, the hypothesis is that changes within the group with respect to social background factors can be detected when looking closer at the different program types. For example, an over-representation of students with foreign background and from non-academic homes is found in the group of early leavers over the whole period and all upper-secondary programs. However, these relationships are expected to vary depending on for example if students attend vocational or academic programs. The results of these analyses will be used for furhter explanatory research on the topic.

References

Ahola, Sakari & Kivel, Suvi (2007). ’Education is important, but …’ Young people outside of schooling and the Finnish policy of ‘education guarantee’. Educational Research. 49 (3) s. 243-258 Archer, Louise & Yamashita, Hiromi. (2003). ‘Knowing their limits’? Identities, inequalities and inner city school leavers post-16 aspirations. Journal of Education Policy. 18 (1), s 53-69. Arreman, I. E., & Holm, A. S. (2011). Privatisation of public education? The emergence of independent upper secondary schools in Sweden. Journal of education policy, 26(2), 225-243. Blaug, Mark. (2008). What are we going to do about school leavers? Comment. Vocational training No.22 European Journal. Brown, P. (1995). Cultural capital and social exclusion: some observations on recent trends in education, employment and the labour market. Work, Employment & Society, 9(1), 29-51. Erikson, R., & Jonsson, J. O. (1993). Ursprung och utbildning. SOU1993:85. Stockholm: Fritzes Hall, C. (2009). Förlängningen av yrkesutbildningarna på gymnasiet: effekter på utbildningsavhopp, utbildningsnivå och inkomster. Institutet för arbetsmarknadspolitisk utvärdering Uppsala: IFAU. Holmlund, H.,Häggblom, J., Lindahl, E., Martinsson, S., Sjögren, A., Vikman, U., Öckert, B. (2014). "Decentralisering, skolval och fristående skolor: resultat och likvärdighet i svensk skola. Rapport 2014:25. Uppsala: IFAU Jackson, M., Jonsson, J. O., & Rudolphi, F. (2012). Ethnic Inequality in Choice-driven Education Systems A Longitudinal Study of Performance and Choice in England and Sweden. Sociology of education, 85(2), 158-178. Lundahl, L., Arreman, I. E., Lundström, U. & Rönnberg, L. (2010). Setting Things Right? Swedish Upper Secondary School Reform in a 40-Year Perspective. European Journal of Education, 45(1), 46-59. doi: 10.1111/j.1465-3435.2009.01414.x Lundgren, M., & Magnusson, J. (2009). Att inte följa den förväntade vägen: en studie om ungdomar utanför gymnasieskolan och om det kommunala uppföljningsansvaret. FoU i Väst/GR. Murray, Å. (2000). Changes in the Labour Market for Young Adults without Further Education and Training. Journal of Education & Work, 13(3), 327-347. doi: 10.1080/13639080050171376 Svensson, A. (2011). Utvärdering genom uppföljning: longitudinell individforskning under ett halvsekel (Vol. 305). Göteborg: Acta universitatis Gothoburgensis. SOU 1981:96. En reformerad gymnasieskola. Downloaded on http://regina.kb.se/sou/, 2014-10-01

Author Information

Johanna Mellén (presenting / submitting)
University of Gothenburg
Institution of Education and Special Education
Gotheburg

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