Like other countries in and beyond Europe Luxembourg could not escape the rapid expansion of tuberculosis at the dawn of 20^th century. The so-called “white death” affected mostly poor people and struck the most undernourished, anemic children. In general alcoholism, bad living conditions and filthy environments were identified as causes of the disease. It was commonly believed that fresh air, exposure to sunlight, rest and caloric food, but also religion were the only adequate treatments. A permanent cure was not available so one was quick to emphasise the importance of prevention of this contagious disease. Whether of disinterest or the actual lack of resources, the state did not sufficiently fund the prevention measures. At this point, the biggest industrial stakeholders of Luxembourg, and in particular a major steel concern called ARBED, came into play.

In need of a work force for its rapidly expanding steel industry, Luxembourg changed into a country with a high immigration rate. For lack of appropriate housing, among other things, steel workers and their children often lived in desolate conditions that facilitated the spread of the illness.

ARBED and its partner (and later subsidiary) companies like Terres Rouges, were connected to one family in particular - the Mayrisch who were regarded as the most influential Luxembourgian philanthropists. Whether for their humanitarian affiliations, personal interests, corporate concerns or all of the aforementioned, the Mayrisch came to play a significant role in tuberculosis-prevention by financing disease prevention centres and such associations as the Ligue Luxembourgeoise contre la tuberculose.

Evidently, it would not go amiss to attend firstly to children – the future workers and citizens, and indeed most prevention centres looked after their wellbeing. Unlike in France, where tuberculosis prevention consisted quite frequently in placing children with rural families in less contagious and in all respects ‘healthier’ environments, or in Germany, where prevention was promoted more often in the form of open-air schools (Connolly, 2004), Luxembourg embraced both models and made accessible other prevention institutions. Among them were a family placement centre and preventorium-sanatorium (Maison des Enfants Kreuzberg).

Such institutions firstly focused on children’s physical health but in doing so aimed at their education as well. Perhaps the most interesting among them from an educational perspective were open-air schools. Modelled after the world’s alleged first open-air school of Charlottenburg (1904), the first Luxembourgian institute was founded in Dudelange in 1913, followed by second one in Esch-sur-Alzette in 1928. The main purpose of the schools was to rehabilitate the so-called ‘sick and weak’, pre-tubercular children, for instance, by ‘infusing’ them with ‘fresh’ air and high-caloric meals. Their fresh air ‘cures’ relocated the space of education, and their specific diets and strict regulations in terms of rest required changes in the school curriculum instruction. The hours reserved for school lessons were significantly reduced.

This paper will interrogate such Luxembourgian responses to the spread of tuberculosis, while taking into consideration its impact on education. It will investigate how Luxembourg adapted tuberculosis-prevention approaches circulating in and beyond Europe, and question the aims, practices and results of its prevention centres, in particular open-air schools. This will be brought in connection with the country’s industrial expansion, the interests of its stakeholders, the spread of diseases more generally, and changes in terms of educational space, content and purpose. Finally, the outcomes of all efforts to create productive workers, soldiers and citizens will be critically analysed. 

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