Recent international events have highlighted concerns about refugees trying to cross national borders and, in some cases, perceptions of threat from those on the other side of national borders. For example, the media and research (e.g., Berry, Garcia-Blanco, & Moore, 2015; Georgiou & Zaborowski, 2017) have reported extensively on refugee crises in parts of Europe, and much has been said about the plan of US President Donald Trump to build a wall on the border between the US and Mexico (Graff, 2017). Such events highlight the tendency to distinguish between those who are insiders and therefore included – that is, those who belong to a particular space or place – and those who are outsiders and therefore excluded (Gee, 1996; Georgiou & Zaborowski, 2017).
The notion of belonging (or not belonging) and its relationship to space and place is thus a relevant consideration when talking about mobile groups of people in general, or about refugees, who have had to relocate, often by necessity, because of natural disasters, war or other conflict, persecution, and so on. There is certainly plenty of evidence that such groups are often framed in particular ways, usually negatively, and they are often regarded as deficient or are described in discriminatory and stereotypical terms (Georgiou & Zaborowski, 2017; Henderson, 2009; Henderson & Gouwens, 2013).
As researchers, we have recorded and analysed deficit discourses and stories of blame that have surfaced in our investigations of the lived experiences of farmworker families in Australia and the US and the education on offer for their children (e.g., see Gouwens, 2001; Henderson, 2008). Farmworkers are often migrant families, who move from place to place as they follow harvesting seasons during the year, although at times they settle in a particular location for a length of time. As such, they are often perceived as outsiders, and exclusion is part of their experience of these communities (Henderson, 2009).
Our thinking, however, is that it is important to move beyond the deficit discourses and stories of blame, in order to find examples of positive experiences, of inclusion, that provide the educational community with stories of success and evidence contrary to the dominant discourse. With this in mind, we interviewed teachers in the US Midwest who had worked in migrant education for a very long time. These teachers were reportedly fully committed to the philosophy of migrant education, the children they taught and the children’s families, often for many years after the children had left their classes.
The research questions were:
- How do the experienced and committed teachers in the migrant education program talk about their work and the children they have worked with?
- What kept them in the program, teaching migrant children during their summer breaks?
- What can be learned about working with migrant children and families and assisting them to ‘fit in’ to communities?
In reviewing the interview data, we realised that the teachers often found ways of assisting children and families to build a sense of belonging to their new place. The concept of place was a unifying theme in the teachers’ interviews. The Spanish term querencia (Cradle, 2007; Fisher, 2008; Huddleston, 2015; Lopez, 1991) provided us with a way of conceptualising the teachers’ attempts to build spaces where families felt safe and experienced a sense of belonging and inclusion. The conceptual framework, therefore, provides a theorisation of the relationship between the physical place of the community, the spaces that teachers built to assist families, and querencia.