Informed by CW Mills’ ‘sociological imagination’ (1959), this paper provides a comparative study of English and Australian higher education student fees. We ask: Given their histories of mutual policy borrowing (Lingard 2010), what are the points of similarity and difference between the English and Australian higher education systems with respect to student fees? Over time, how has Australia balanced competing accounts of higher education fees as a ‘public issue’ or a ‘private trouble’? How does this compare with the balance in England, particularly given recent Labor Party policy on student fees?
University student fees and loans are significant issues in England, particularly given efforts to widen participation among students from under-represented groups. With the trebling of fees in 2012 and the erosion of maintenance grants, English students are graduating with unprecedented levels of debt, with those from disadvantaged backgrounds accruing more than their more privileged peers (Cullinane & Montacute 2017). Although the evidence that higher fees discourages attendance at university is mixed (e.g. Callender & Mason 2017), there is a strong sense of injustice that the cost burden for higher education has become so individualised. This is now keenly felt given that annual tuition fees have risen to £9,250, compounded by maintenance (living allowance) loans, making them “three times higher than the next highest in Europe” (Cullinane & Montacute 2017: 3). In Australia, where the conventional wisdom is that “it is the income-contingent repayment [of university tuition fees] … that protects the access of the relatively poor” (Chapman & Ryan 2005: 507), participation rates among disadvantaged students remain more or less stable and yet at the expense of the non-participation of the lowest 10% of students from low socioeconomic backgrounds. These students from disadvantaged backgrounds also accrue higher levels of debt than their more privileged peers making this an issue of social justice and equity as much as it is one of student finance (Gale & Parker 2018). Australia has had a history of broadly equitable income contingent loans that followed a period of free HE. However, as with England, in recent years there has been an increasing emphasis on HE as a private good and a concomitant increase in the fees payable by graduates (Gale & Parker, 2018).
In this paper we provide a sociology of widening participation in Australian higher education (HE) explored through the prism of student fees, particularly from 1974 when fees were abolished but more substantially from 1989 when they were re-introduced. Of specific interest is the impact of student fees on the equity of access to HE (i.e. the proportional representation of ‘equity’ groups; Martin, 1994), particularly for students from low socioeconomic status backgrounds. We draw attention to the absence of a sociological imagination in much Australian Government policy, which falsely separates the personal troubles of individuals (e.g. in financing access to HE) from the public issues of societies (e.g. in universalising HE), with a tendency to ascribe responsibility for student fees to the former over the latter. In these terms, we characterise responsibility for widening participation in Australian HE – specifically the role that student fees have played in this – as fluctuating from personal trouble to public issue and back again.