In my research I investigate ethnographic dimensions of gender socialisation of pupils in their everyday school life in an german all-day school. My research focuses on the interrelation of all-day school culture and gender so­cialisation in their materiality under the following leading research question: How can gender be grasped in its materiality by means of gender performances in the pedagogical setting of all-day schools? Furthermore, I would like to answer the following aspects and questions:

• Which kind of material conditions of sexualized forms of empowerment, resistance and ambiguous­ness are being observed? What role do objects, bodies and languages at school take in these processes?
• Which interconnections are taking place in the practices of gender performances by the youths?
• Finally, turning from the empirical level to the theoretical: How do theorizations of new materialism enrich this ethnographic research project in terms of knowledge about materiality?

• Concerning the research field of school culture: to what extent do the school conventions and values observed in the field in practices and in interviews include an increasingly globalized discourse of gender and gender conceptions? To what extent are these norms and conventions also characterized by a specific national gender discourse and by the school-specific school regulations? How do these different interpretive patterns collide and are negotiated in everyday school practices of pupils and school staff?

The research illustrates tensions between theoretical and methodological aspects by examples from the field. Thus field notes and following interpretations in which interconnections between bodies, matter and perfor­mativity exemplify in addition the ambiguities of oppression and resistance located in their materiality.

Concerning the theoretical concepts, I follow a gender concept of gender as a structural category (Barbara Rendtorff/ Vera Moser 1999), which asserts the constructedness of gender and the rejection of a sexual body and gender traced back to nature and marks the division of people into (two) sexes according to certain characteristics as a social procedure. Gender as a category thus also enables me to understand them ethnographically as classification practices (Kelle 2016) and to observe gender practices in situ and in actu from an intersectional perspective. On a theoretical level, such a gender concept encompasses the dynamics, changeability and situated knowledge of gender. I also use Judith Butler's theory of performativity of gender as well as Pierre Bourdieu's habitus concept of inscribed habitual dispositions into the body for my ethnographic research of gender performances. Gender so­cialization as a comprehensive educational process that takes place in schools has not yet been explored in terms of its materiality. So analysing the material dimensions of gender performances I use a “Sensitizing Concept” of materiality (after Kalthoff et al. 2015), which understands artefacts such as materialities as involved in the execution of social reality: artefacts and materialities affect human actions and at the same time are de­pendent on them. Karen Barad's Agent Realism of interactions between bodies and things and interferences as an entanglement of power relations in interactions serves me as a "Sensitizing Concept" as well.

Due to German educational federalism and school autonomy, comprehensive schools exist alongside the Gymnasium (high school) and Haupt-Realschule (let’s say lower secondary school), which make it possible to obtain various educational degrees and subject specialisations, so that at the comprehensive schools pupils can decide late which degree they want to take. In addition, half-day schools are currently being replaced by all-day schools or all-day offers, but very few all-day offers are mandatory. For my research, I chose a com­prehensive school with a compulsory all-day offer on three days and a school structure that is designed from 1st to 13th grade and provides for several school-leaving qualifications. Since its foundation, the school has also been inclusively oriented and is located in a socially, culturally and economically heterogeneous district. These factors of school selection led me to find an extremely heterogeneous student body and all pupils in the classroom are regularly present in the afternoon. Over the course of one school year I accompanied a 5th and a 9th grade in three intensive field phases in everyday school life. In addition to the lessons, I increasingly took part in the pupils' lunch breaks, small breaks and afternoon activities, including school trips or action days. To answer my research questions, I was particularly interested in situations in which the pupils interacted without pedagogical specialists. My material pool comprises approximately 50 field protocols and, in addition to many ethnographic conversations, 8 guided interviews with pupils. 5 interviews with school staff and numerous documents from the field also provide me with background information on school culture. In order to answer my research questions, an ethnographic research attitude that is guided by the field in the research process and also grounded theory-oriented is suitable. Accordingly, I follow an ethnographic research approach to Breidenstein and Kelle (2013) and thus reach via open coding to the first categories, to exemplary case analyses and finally to key issues of my analysed material corpus. My analysis of gender performances in the context of a specific school culture moves between structural genetic and ethnomethodological orientations of ethnographic approaches. Regarding my methodological orientation, I also orient myself to the Grounded Theory according to Corbin and Strauss (2008) and adapt it in the sense of my own research concerns.

In my preliminary presentation of results, three levels of gender representation emerge: 1. Structural frameworks and school conventions that are gendered. 2. Forms of gender sorting, and thus the orientation taking place over the gender level, that rely on or refer to eating practices, furniture, spaces, body practices and the media. 3. “Practices of negotiation of gender” that are revealed to me through observed scenes. These negotiation practices appear in observed scenes as forms of "conflict", "cohesion", "non-thematisation of gender", “culturalisation of gender”, "resistive practices” and "practices and representations of adaptation to heteronormativity". The following result of gender negotiations in a form of “non-thematisation of gender” and “culturalisation of gender” is derived from the evaluated material and is going to be shown and discussed in excerpts from interviews with both teachers and pupils and in field notes in my presentation: In the material corpus, the very different self perception and external perception of gender aspects at school can be observed. While pupils in interviews de-thematize their own discrimination based on gender, also in conjunction with other societal structural categories, teachers in interviews explain possible gender inequalities about the category of "cultural origin". Thus teachers steer from the gender to the cultural level on which they then serve certain stereotypes of culture such as "Muslim families” and “Christian families". Both teachers and pupils use their statements to serve not only certain socially legitimate and nationally and (inter)nationally highly topical gender discourses, but also correspond with these statements of specific school cultural norms of gender equality and cultural tolerance at the school being studied, which in turn are observable in everyday school practice and presented in school documents. These statements by pupils and teachers contrast with the analysed field protocols, in which gender disadvantage and inequalities in interactions can be observed.

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