Scholars (e.g. Blackmore, Thomson and Barty, 2006) cite examples of gender bias among female leaders in Western schools; however, in many countries where plural societies have emerged through renewed immigration policies, the issue is more of a pandemic. Black female principals in some countries globally, face triple oppression, namely race, class and gender that strongly define women historically and to this day. Although a country’s legislation allegedly addresses gender equality, yet women still do not experience equal rights in practice (Cotter, 2004). Despite government ‘gender equality’ initiatives (e.g. preparation programs for women in management and leadership positions; certification in leadership) (Moorosi, 2008), activists remain ambivalent about the impact of these initiatives. Motapanyane (2009) notes that any social movements involving black women have resulted in more poverty and oppression for rural, inner-city, urban, and suburban women. Being mindful of the socio-political context within which female principals work is essential to understanding the conditions of their daily work-life, challenges and opportunities, and the (im)possibilities for agency. Any feminist approach employed to study these women requires one to be mindful of their unique context. Policy papers report a shift in feminism of leadership, yet the reality is that these developments have stalled in some countries such as South Africa. Women are still denied leadership positions and face challenges when hired in these positions. Therefore, this paper takes into consideration the intersections of oppression that confine and constrain their place as leaders in public schools globally.

We used the Intersectional Theory as a theoretical tool. Intersectionality theory as a form of intellectual feminist analysis theorizes identity and oppression (Collins, 2000). Also known as interlocking systems of oppression, we explored the ways that such concepts as gender, race, and class intersect to create inequality in the face of black women’s ‘triple jeopardy.’ In this way, intersectionality theory honours Black women's unique expertise and provides space for their voice outside of the Western mainstream.  The theory serves a number of purposes, most prominently, as being a catalyst for change, addressing equity issues in the workplace, and promoting social justice. In this way, intersectionality theory honours women's unique expertise and provides space for their voice of the Western mainstream.  As a theory of interlocking systems of oppression, intersectionality claims that systems of race, social class, and gender shape women’s experience (Collins, 2000).

In this study we aimed to understand black women's different lived experiences and social realities in their posts as principals. The intersectionality theory provided us the flexibility to work within a matrix of domination that reflected complex layers of history and social systems of oppression (Collins, 2000).  Intersectionality is somewhat controversial presenting concerns around its robustness, ambiguity in the meaning around appropriate methodological usage, and the use of black women as the ubiquitous intersectional subject. Our goal was to look beyond those alleged limitations, and wrestle with intersectionality’s theoretical, political, and methodological murkiness in order to establish a more comprehensive theory with which to address identity and oppression (Nash, 2008).

A qualitative narrative research methodology brought to the forefront the experiences of two black female principals. The study created space for their voices to be heard, and more specifically, to capture information from the women’s individual and collective experiences as principals. Numerous intersectional components beyond gender, class and race emerged that include: social capital, family, discrimination, violence, motherhood, agency and failed policy. These intersectional themes defined the women’s experiences individually and collectively by locating them in their daily work lives. The women’s narratives or ‘stories’ helped capture the many intersecting elements. Each woman’s story is different with some overlapping similarities, yet, their stories are meant to honor their unique situations, intersectional concepts and experiences. The information they shared with us provided structure for the narratives creating a coherent story for each woman (Ewick and Silbey, 2003). The narratives were captured using open-ended qualitative questionnaires followed by personal telephonic interviews as the main data-gathering tools. Sample The population was comprised of female principals in a district located in South Africa. A purposeful sampling method was used because the district was in proximity of one of the researcher's place of employment. There were 84 female principals in the District at the time of this study. Of those, eight principals were selected out of a total of 17 women (represented by black, Indian, coloured and white women). The criterion for selection of this paper’s sample of participants was that they had five years’ experience as principals in urban secondary and primary schools, were of varied ethnicity, and participated in an International-Local University Leadership Intervention Program partnership at the time of the study. Narrative Data Analysis The process of going through the narratives involved coding the stories with various narrative analysis themes as well as recognizing how biography and demographics contextualized the stories. Reading the written responses as well as listening to the women’s stories became important since we as researchers had to be mindful of why events that make up the narratives were told in the way they were, what was entrusted to us and shared and what was not. In this way, we could analyze the appearance of the story and locate the underlying intersections (Coffey and Atkinson 1996). Lincoln and Guba’s (1995) measures to ensure trustworthiness were applied throughout the analysis. Member checks ensured reliability and validity of the data collection process.

In this study we learned that women coming from different socio-economic backgrounds influence their social capital and ultimately, their experiences as principals. The one principal’s level of social capital was evidenced by her high level of self-esteem; wide social network; drive to attain the principalship; strong expectations by her parents to be a doctor; refusal to be intimidated by acts of discrimination, threats and violence; ambition and successful founding of her own school; and fortitude to remain a principal at the age of sixty. Familial relationships and interactions shaped her social position. In contrast, the other principal displayed a lack of confidence; low-self-esteem; she held a belief that she only became a principal by accident; had a small social network; felt trapped in a mothering role; prayed for strength to cope with the challenges of the job; felt weary and worn down by her post as principal; and decided to resign. This intersection of class and social capital influenced the women’s benefits or limitations gained (or not) in their work through the impact of their social networks, self-esteem, ambition, success, career advancement, agency, and the ability to negotiate challenges individually or with the help of others or despite others. In our findings we learned that the role of principal and the school as institution are rooted in hegemony unable to protect the experiences of women from discrimination, threats and violence. The women’s stories provide examples of approaches to healing and guidance to not only women’s survival as human beings, but as female black principals. Until we acknowledge and reconcile the damage done through patriarchal oppression and domination, intersectionality theory utilizes indigenous epistemologies and worldviews in their great variety, and recognizes the relationships between humans and all of nature as equal and important sources of knowing.

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