In the UK, there has been a rise of concern related to the transition of some primary school students with limited basic skills required for secondary education (Gorard et al., 2017). As the majority of study results suggest, such children are under the risk of being lagged behind in comparison to their peers (Sainsbury et al. 1998; Galton, Gray & Ruddock, 1999; Reyes et al. 2000). In addition, failing to timely identify those students in need of support further leads them to encounter other serious issues, such as anxiety, depression, and disruptive classroom behavior (Galton, Morrison, & Pell, 2000; Graham & Hill, 2003). As Gorard et al. (2017) noted, the underachievement in primary education, more often, is the precursor of the low academic achievement in the further education levels.  It is also crucial to note that the underachievement in the period of transition to the secondary school level presupposes pupils under a vulnerable category and influence on their further higher education and career opportunities (Gorard, Siddiqui, & See 2017).

This paper is deemed to explore the experiences of transition to a secondary school of children in the UK and some influences upon those experiences. The central purpose of this study is to identify the factors affecting a better or worse transition to a secondary school of students from socio-economic disadvantaged backgrounds. This is especially important as a less successful transition often leads to poorer educational outcomes for children, especially for those from backgrounds of poverty and/or socio-economic disadvantage.

Today inclusion in education is widely accepted as a basic human right (EADSNE, 2012). In the literature, inclusive education is used to refer to educating all children regardless of their wide range of abilities, including different kinds of disabilities, as well as a broad range of cultural and socio-economic backgrounds (UNESCO, 1994; Ainscow et al., 2006). As defined in the Index of Inclusion (Booth & Ainscow, 2003, p. 1) “inclusion is about the education for all children and young people”. Inclusive education, in general, is considered to be an umbrella term that covers the concepts and values of human rights, social justice, i.e. equity and equality, as well as quality education for all (Hornby, 2012). The idea of inclusive education has been spread throughout the world and influenced national policies of many countries. In this sense, international organizations are an effective tool in spreading unified ideas and globalizing them (Ball, 1998). 

Twenty-seven years ago, Ainscow (1991) emphasized the crucial role of the school environment to be adjusted to the needs of children with special education. That is, instead of focusing on their differences, the school settings and practices should be able to embrace those differences and exclude any means of discrimination and barriers for inclusion. Clark, Dyson, and Milward (1995) described inclusion as “extending the scope of ordinary schools so they can include a greater diversity children” (p. v). In other words, the support that is provided in a school setting and its improvement is one of the crucial practices of fostering inclusive education. 

“The successful secondary analyst must be able to use and interpret the data with the knowledge and insights that went into its original collection” (Dale et al. 1988, p. 16). With this in mind, it is crucial to identify the major focus and purpose the primary data is aiming to achieve (Smith, 2008). That is to say, the original research inevitably influences the applications of the secondary data. That is why the original sources of the data, quality of questionnaires, sampling and response rate, data collection and background to the survey are the significant aspects that should not be undermined (Smith, 2008). This study will use data from the British birth cohort studies, which is the multi-purpose longitudinal study that has been tracing multiple measures including family-background, individual and school characteristics, as well as the socio-emotional, cognitive and behavioral developments of the children born in 1958, 1970, and 2000/1. The main focus of this research is 2000/1 cohort: The Millennium Cohort Study (MCS) that has collected various data of approximately 19,000 children born between September 2000 and January 2002 across the UK (Plewis, 2007). The data has been collected throughout several stages as those children grew: aged 9 months, 3 years, 5 years, 7 years, 11 years, 14 years and most recently 17 years (Centre for Longitudinal Studies, 2019). This study will draw on information from the third to the sixths sweeps including such information as personal data or household grid information, cohort member cognitive assessments, cohort member behavioral development and cohort member physical measurement. The study will examine the link between individual influences such as family economic circumstances, pre-transition anxieties, post-transition peer social relationships, family relationships, engagement with secondary school, relationships with teachers, academic self-concept and individual wellbeing; and wider influences, such as the different schooling contexts across Scotland and England/Wales/NI (UK). There will be three regressions models: model 1) family and socio-economic sectors; model 2) background controls and behavioral developments; model 3) wider schooling contexts.

The results of this study are deemed to show the knowledge gap in the processes and mechanisms of the impact of poverty and socioeconomic disadvantage, and of peer and family relationships, on secondary school transitions.

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