The paper explores the shifting of identities in history and the teaching of history. This shifting of identities is understood as part of the “struggle for recognition” (Honneth 2015). The paper asks for pedagogical options and attempts to shift identities in pedagogical settings from a ‘space of disrespect’ into a ‘space of recognition’.

The paper presents the findings of an empirical study concerning the difficulty of recognition in the pedagogical settings in concentration camp memorials (Vehse 2020). The recognition of victims of National Socialism is a central aim of memorial sites and a main topic in guided tours (Puvogel et al. 1996). It is not only essential for the guides to show respect for the victims, they also strive for evoking an attitude of respect and recognition of their listeners. Recognition can therefore be seen as a pedagogical goal that underlines pedagogical work in memorial sites.

In concentration camps prisoners were assigned to different categories  (Wachsmann 2015). The recognition of the victims of National Socialism in memory discourses is based on these categories. Memory discourses can be seen as structured by identity and identity politics. The gay movement for example (Jensen 2002)  has been (re-)using the categorisation “homosexual”and its symbol the pink triangle for recognition and has been shifting the gay identity into a ‘space of recognition’.  Other concentration camp inmates who were persecuted by the Nazis for being so called “anti-social elements” or “career criminals” only recently gained recognition as victims of National Socialism.[1] My research shows that the history of these persecuted individuals and these categories is still difficult to tell.

To understand the narrative strategies and difficulties in the guided tours the study considers theories of recognition (Honneth 2015, Butler 1997). Honneth offers a recognitive model in which he distinguishes three recognition forms: love, rights and esteem. Butler understands the ability to speak about identity as both enabled and foreclosed by discourses. This has to be reflected in the history of post-war memory discourses. Even if guides are trying to avoid the disrespect and contempt of the National Socialist terminology, they find themselves bound to the possibilities of the post-national-socialist memory discourse.

The paper presents the attempts of narrative strategies to gain recognition and shows how – against the actual intention – strategies result in the exclusion of victims from recognition; especially the exclusion of victims who were arrested on account of supposed or actual socially deviant behavior which were categorized as “anti-social elements” and “career criminals”. It is shown that this is explainable by the form the examined guides use to gain recognition and this is the form of esteem. This form is bound to fail when it comes to social deviant behaviour. It is astonishing that despite of this exclusion guides stick to their strategy of esteem, while they could avoid the exclusion in the recognition form of rights and address the detention without trial and verdict. It is concluded that esteem might be seen as the more worthwhile form of recognition.

The paper argues that the findings can be seen not just as relevant for the teaching of history but for education in general. Especially the pitfalls of strategies of recognition that are based on the form of esteem raise questions about a pedagogical use of esteem. The analysis of the data suggests to question the priority of esteem for recognition and draws attention to the subjection this form requires.

[1] https://arolsen-archives.org/en/about-us/statements/lebenslang-stigmatisiert/ [English version]

Within a qualitative methodical approach, the empirical study uses the audio data of twelve guided tours, which were recorded in four memorials sites in Germany. The study researches the transcripts of the audio data which are analysed with the method of Reconstruction of Narrative Identity (Lucius-Hoene/Deppermann 2004). The method of Reconstruction of Narrative Identity is based on narrative theory, hermeneutics and supplemented by discursive psychology and conversation analyses. A key concept of the method is the concept of positioning (De Fina 2013; Bamberg 2004). As De Fina (2013) argues, Positioning Analysis occupies a middle ground between approaches that are interested in wide social processes and structures (such as Critical Discourse Analysis) and approaches that are interested into local meaning (such as Conversation Analysis). Positioning Analysis tries to mediate between these approaches and offers an opportunity to analyze the construction of identity in discourses. It does so by not seeing identity determined by macro social structures but shows how the narrators constructs identity in relation to discourse. The concept of positioning is used to “elucidate how identities are deployed and negotiated in narratives” (Deppermann 2015). In the study Reconstruction of Narrative Identity and Positioning Analyses are used to reconstruct the narrative strategies of recognition. The paper presents one reconstructed strategy of recognition that is based on a combination of esteem and normalization and shows how the strategy collapses when it comes to supposed or actual socially deviant behavior of prisoners.

The paper shows the use of the concept of narrative identity in empirical research and presents the method of Reconstruction of Narrative Identity. The method can be seen as a toolbox that is strongly related to international research on narrative identity and positioning. On the topic of recognition, the paper offers a reflection of the regime of recognition. The example of esteem shows what is enabled and foreclosed in this regime. That leads to theoretical and practical conclusions. Practically, it is argued that the educational programs in concentration camps memorials do have and can offer critical knowledge about different forms of racism but lack critical knowledge about classism and thus pedagogical practices tend to reproduce classist stereotypes about prisoners. It is suggested to try to integrate critical knowledge on classism into the educational programs. Theoretically, the question is raised if there is a preference for esteem in general education as well and if education is well advised to invest into this form of recognition. Hence, the conclusion draws attention to Honneth’s (1997) thoughts about preferences for and conflicts between different forms of recognition and finally to Nancy Frasers thoughts on recognition and redistribution (Fraser/Honneth 2003). The conclusions can be link to criticisms of traditional approaches in intercultural education and their focus on assimilation into norms and values of the majority that is often described as a dead end for the members of minorities (Wischmann 2010). Therefore, the findings may be relevant for educational approaches in working with migrants, refugees and minorities as well.

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