In Sweden, students’ choice of upper-secondary school is fiercely competitive for both students and schools. In a unique quasi-market, public and charter schools compete for students with their established reputations and specialized programs (Lundahl, 2002). Grade-nine students may choose the upper-secondary school they wish to attend but they must also be accepted by those schools who rank students by their grades. In urban settings such as Stockholm, placement at high-status schools is limited and highly competitive. Stockholm itself is socially and economically segregated, a phenomenon that is similarly seen in schools and counter to the promises of the school-choice model (Alexiadou et al., 2016; Forsberg, 2018). For recent migrants and other marginalized populations residential segregation can combine with a number of other barriers to limit school choice options (Fjellman et al., 2019). Previous research has suggested that opportunities are not equally available for all students and that social and inherited assets strongly influence educational trajectories (Bunar & Ambrose, 2016; Ball et al., 2002). Unfamiliarity with a new school system and insufficient support from schools have also been identified as reasons for recently-migrated to have fewer opportunities when transitioning to upper-secondary school (Bunar, 2010; Hertzberg, 2017). However, there is a lack of research exploring recently-migrated students’ own experiences and attitudes towards school choice (Bunar, 2010; Nilsson Folke, 2017; Svensson & Eastmond, 2013). Considering the increase in migration to Europe in recent years, a better understanding of the challenges that recently-migrated students experience can contribute to education policy that better serves their needs.

The aim of this study is to investigate the influences that recently-migrated students have toward their understanding of the upper-secondary school process and the barriers that they face when acting towards their educational aspirations. To understand the experiences of these students a number of theories are used. First, careership theory (Hodkinson & Sparkes, 1997) acts as a theoretical base for the study. Horizon for action, the array of options seen as possible, is a point of departure for understanding the choice process. Relating to upper-secondary school choice, a person’s horizon for action is changeable when people or experiences influence the education trajectories that are viewed as desirable and attainable. These influences, called turning points by Hodkinson and Sparkes (1997), involve a transformation of identity that guides decision making. A number of additional theories contribute to this concept. The importance and influence of information shared in social settings are framed through the concept of the grapevine (Ball & Vincent, 1998). Parents, peers and school counsellors all act as sources of information that guide and informs students while they consider different upper-secondary schools. Theories of social capital (Bourdieu, 2002; Coleman, 1988) emphasize the importance of assets that are available from membership in social networks. Finally, the existence of boundaries shapes student preference and ability to choose upper-secondary schools in the Swedish school market (Barmark & Lund, 2016).

In this study, twenty-six recently migrated year-nine students were interviewed about their experiences during the upper-secondary school choice process. Semi-structured interviews covered their educational backgrounds, social interactions, school experiences and academic aspirations. The students spoke a range of different languages, necessitating the use of interpreters during the interview process. Two interviews were conducted at the beginning and end of the 2019/2020 school year. Using thematic analysis, different themes were identified across the group of students that have relevance to the theoretical perspectives and previous research in the study.

The responses were wide and diverse, matching the heterogeneity of the students. However, certain themes were prevalent across the group. The findings demonstrated that the students felt isolated and alone in the school. They received little information and guidance from people in their life which left them to navigate the school-choice process independently. In some cases, advertising from the upper-secondary schools filled this gap, strongly influencing the students’ preferences. These preferences aligned with discourses relating school quality to the ethnic composition of student bodies. Finally, the students faced barriers to choosing certain schools when they were not able to accumulate the required minimum grades or because of their residence in isolated, segregated neighbourhoods. These findings are congruent with the aforementioned theories and previous research which is significant when considering the challenges of inclusion and the lack of research around recent migrants’ experiences. As a final contribution, suggestions are made regarding policies for supporting recently migrated students.

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