The aim of this presentation is to deepen our understanding of high achieving students with different social backgrounds, their socially grounded motivation to perform well and how momentum in their trajectories are related to the dynamics in the student’s social network.

In a number of studies, we showed how students drives themselves to perform well in school and how the process is socially grounded and therefore also differentiated depending on their specific position in the social space (Carlhed Ydhag, et al 2021). We identified crucial aspects of support for educational success among disadvantaged students; 1) unconditional support from a significant other, 2) regularly studying together with likeminded peers and 3) support from a teacher who were engaged in both the school subject and in the student’s development (Osman et al, 2020). We showed how students from families with low education levels learned to succeed via a conversion process of their habitus (Månsson, et al, 2021). We analysed disadvantaged students’ own perspectives on significant others, who they were and what they did to support them in school related matters. It showed that the most important support came from different actors who supported them emotionally and academically. These actors can be parents, teachers or peers (Osman et al, 2021).

In this presentation we will focus on the social conditions in which the students are embedded in, what inspires them and form their strategies in relation to the specific configurations of their significant others in their social network. How do these conditions come into play when they have transitioned from upper secondary school? Hence, in the analysis, we will take into account the stability in their social network in terms of continuity or change, density and the social environment they are embedded in and in what ways was the support system consistent to socially shared expectations and mutual commitments?

In other words we will add the aspects of the students’ network’s tenacity to support them through upper secondary school and their transition from upper secondary school to university studies or labour market.

Theoretical tools

The research project departed from Coleman’s (1990) and Bourdieu’s (1986) understanding of social capital concerning educational performance. The following concepts we have used to analyse the data: ideational support, material support and bridging support. Ideational support refers to the ability of parents and other influential figures to inculcate a pro-academic norm in these students. Material support denotes the unequal material resources that advantage or disadvantage the educational experiences of different categories of students. Bridging refers to parental abilities to link their child to individuals with institutional actors serves as a medium for material and ideational support (Osman & Månsson, 2015; Prado, 2009).

In our analyses of how the students motivated themselves we used ‘habitus’ and the related term ‘illusio’, to attain greater depth in analysing meaning-making processes. Following Bourdieu’s sociology, we believe the individual’s search for recognition and belonging is socially grounded and thus not entirely based on reason (Bourdieu, 2000). In this presentation we will describe and analyse students’ motivation and rationale behind their narrative of academic success. Theoretically we will adopt Coleman’s understanding of social capital, particularly the dimensions of trust, social control, reciprocity, commitment and shared expectations in their social network.

The study is a case study which aims to synthesize results from our previous studies in our qualitative longitudinal research project. The cases are built up from all available project data of three students. The data consists of three interviews with each student during a 3-year period, an interview with a person (chosen by the student) from the student’s social network who had been crucial for the student’s academic achievements and self reported information about the student’s social network. By assembling all available data into a biographical text we are able to do in-depth studies of one person at the time and compare certain analytical aspects in the case itself, and between cases. In total we interviewed 52 students in our project (see Carlhed Ydhag, Månsson & Osman, 2021): at the beginning of their second year in upper secondary school, at the end of their third year, and when they had graduated. The selection of the three students and the reconstruction of cases in this study is based mainly on the following criteria of the social networks: • socially durable vs socially fickle • calm/predictable and/or turbulent/unpredictable, in relation to their current social situation • uniformity in terms of shared expectations • emotionally supportive, emotionally ambivalent and/or neutral • strong commitment and/or weak commitment The selected students (Lars, Nusui and Liyana) also differed in their socially grounded motivation (illusio) types (see Carlhed Ydhag et al, 2021). Lars’ investments were driven primarily from wish to be a proficient entrepreneur (and the best) and his parents’ high expectations. In his mindset there is no room for failure. Nusui was also driven by the urge to be proficient, but in a different way. He visualized himself as a policeman protecting others and offer security in the society. The expectations from his parents were that he should do his best and it was good enough. For Liyana the drive to perform well originates from an urge for revanche, to reward herself with a fortunate future for having had a very tough time during her schooling. She aimed for a professional position in which she get a safe and secure life and be able to help others. Based on case studies of three students we will elaborate more in details on their goal fulfilment, the meaning making process which fuels the motivation to perform well and the nature of their social networks.

In this presentation we focus on the students’ goal commitments, how momentums in student trajectories are shaped by the stability and consistence in their social networks, especially in relation to trust, social control, reciprocity of shared commitment and expectations. In addition, we also focus on how the networks support them through upper secondary school and in their transition to university studies or into the labour market. The empirical analysis of this study and our previous studies (Osman et al, 2020; 2021: Månsson et al, 2021; Carlhed Ydhag et al, 2021) show how disadvantaged students could benefit from different kind of support from their parents and social network in their educational success. Furthermore, how they could transform resources from the network into higher educational capitals and to learn to be successful. We found also ways to understand how their drive to perform well in school were shaped differently by their social conditions. In the end of our project, we focus the differences in the composition and nature of the social networks because it seems to be critical for not only educational success for students from different social contexts but also the transition to higher education or into the labor market. Students from families with high social capital who are embedded in stable social structures are more likely to embark on a successful educational career in higher education. Students from families with low social capital might lose connection with teachers and former peers in school when they graduate from upper secondary school. In other words, if the social network is dissipated, it can be an obstacle for the student to transit and to successfully pursue an academic career. To succeed in higher education, they need to find new significant others in order to build a new and relevant network.

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