This research starts from the observation from previous research higher education (HE) ethnic-cultural minority (ECM) students with a migrant background and those from socio-economically vulnerable families experience many hurdles in their study progress (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6). Existing research mostly focuses on compulsory education, while the context of higher education remains underexplored (3, 7). This is noteworthy as the continuing massification and democratization of higher education is giving previously underserved populations more chances to enroll, making equity in higher education a contemporaneous and pressing issue (2). ECM students and students from lower socio-economic status (SES) backgrounds bring differing needs with them to HE institutions (HEI’s). Furthermore, SES and migration background are strongly intertwined in the Flemish context, with research indicating that 40% of the educational disadvantage among ECM students is explained by SES (8, 9).

The proposed research aims to uncover mechanisms for inclusive higher education, focusing on two vulnerable groups, specifically ECM and low-SES students. The analysis has the following research objectives: an in-depth analysis of how ECM students and those of vulnerable SES backgrounds navigate the possible barriers and supports in HE.

A theoretical framework that provides important insights for this research is the intersectionality perspective. This framework not only points to the recognition of barriers that may characterize a particular group, but also underlines the importance of "intersections" where characteristics intersect and lead to unique challenges and experiences (10). In addition to the intersectionality framework, I draw upon a set of relational concepts set out by Pierre Bourdieu (11, 12, 13): capital, field and habitus. According to Bourdieu (11), it is important to consider processes of exclusion within the social space in which they take place, which he calls a “field”. He regards fields as mutually different, distinct domains in which a person's life takes place, such as the educational field (14). Thinking in terms of a field implies thinking in terms of power dynamics between people (6, 11). Acquiring power requires capital that comprises not only economic (money), but also cultural (knowledge, skills, education) and social (relationships, networks) capital (11, 13). Cultural capital can be understood as knowledge of the norms, styles and conventions valued in a specific field, while social capital refers to relationships and contacts relevant to achieving goals, like study success (13).

To function well in a field, it is not only essential to have capital. Bourdieu (11, 12) links field to the concept of habitus, which explains how individuals internalize and reproduce social structures through their everyday actions and practices. It refers to having insight into the specific peculiarities of daily practice in a certain field (6). Since habitus, field and the different forms of capital are all intrinsically linked, they must also be considered in relational terms (4), as they achieve their full analytical vigour in conjunction with one another (14). Field, habitus and capital of traditional students entering university are more easily in harmony with one another, while this ideal interplay is rarely not as easily achieved the case for ECM and low-SES students (4).

Hence, in this study we explore which aspects of capital, habitus and field determine academic and social success or lack thereoff in higher education for ECM students from socio-economically vulnerable groups.

The research identifies potential approaches gathered from the in-depth understanding of the sociocultural factors and contextual information regarding the experiences and perspectives influencing inclusive education. Insights from the research can be used as a basis for the development of targeted, evidence-based policies and programs for more inclusive HE and increase support services and staff’s awareness of the specific needs of these students.

Although more and more ECM and low-SES students are enrolling in HE, a problem with so-called “survival” occurs quickly (7). Consequently, in order to avoid selection biases and capture the impact of early exclusionary mechanisms, this research focuses on first-time enrollers in HE. We utilize a bourdieusian approach, since this type of research emphasizes the importance of understanding the ways in which social structures shape individuals' experiences and behaviors. This approach is characterized by a focus on the social dynamics of power and inequality, and the ways in which social structures are reproduced and reinforced through individuals' actions and practices. It also often utilizes the concept of "habitus," which refers to the ways in which individuals internalize and reproduce social structures through their actions and practices (11, 12, 13, 14). Since the research objectives focus on the exploration of experiences and meaning-making, qualitative research methods seemed the appropriate choice. Moreover, in order to create an in-depth view of the institutional context, we conducted data-collection within a single institution for higher education. To recruit respondents, an array of different sampling strategies across Ghent University in Flanders (Belgium) was used, utilizing a division between alpha-, beta- and gamma-sciences: giving a short presentation during the beginning of first-year lectures to the students explaining the research and call for participation, posters, snowball sampling, social media posts, university staff spreading the message... Due to an institution-wide recruitment, we made a nuanced analysis of the extent to which the studied mechanisms (barriers, support, pedagogical approaches...) are either widespread or isolated phenomena. For this project the point of theoretical saturation was reached after +30 interviews, and we conducted 37 interviews in total, of which 7 in the alpha sciences, 15 in the beta sciences and 15 in the gamma sciences. We applied a longitudinal approach, in which students are interviewed in the course of the first semester, and they will be interviewed a second time after the exams of January and third time in the first semester of their second year at university. This way, we can tap into the evolution of students’ experiences and views in a timely manner, rather than relying on retrospection. Furthermore, by maintaining contact with the same group of respondents, students who dropped out or were reoriented after the first semester can be interviewed as well. This provides a nuanced view on which factors were perceived as hampering or as effectively supportive.

In the next paragraphs are some of the preliminary results derived from the first data collection phase during the first semester of enrollment at university. For ECM students, the first year of HE is a real endeavor to find the right study approach. The transition from secondary education (SE) to HE is regarded as difficult, as some low-SES ECM students do not possess the sociocultural capital that adequately prepares them for HE in contrast to high-SES ECM peers who felt adequately prepared due to their embodied sociocultural capital, like having parents with a HE-background and supportive SE-teachers. High-SES ECM students emphasize that the foundations for a successful study career in HE are laid earlier, particularly attending SE in general education, meaning they were in contact with mainly native students from predominantly middle-class backgrounds, where starting university studies is expected of them. These students have learned to function in a field attributed to the native middle-class, thanks to intensive contacts with native middle-class peers. This can be linked with habitus, as an individuals' experiences are shaped by their sociocultural environment. Respondents also brought up their social situation. In several cases, students came from vulnerable home situations, and were responsible for their own living expenses and study costs, unlike their high-SES peers. Students are seen to navigate different, sometimes conflicting, fields, like their field at home, in which attaining a university degree is sometimes regarded as important and even a waste of time and money. Despite these problems, they rarely use psychosocial services and student facilities at Ghent University, due to not knowing them, or having the feeling they do not deserve the extra aid. In short, sociocultural capital is an important aspect in HE-transition. Having higher-valued capital is an indicator of academic achievement and an easier transition from SE to HE.

1 Arias Ortiz, E., & Dehon, C. (2013, 2013/09/01). Roads to Success in the Belgian French Community’s Higher Education System: Predictors of Dropout and Degree Completion at the Université Libre de Bruxelles. Research in Higher Education, 54(6), 693-723. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11162-013-9290-y 2 Cincinnato, S. (2020). Navigating the road to study success: The importance of study choices after first-year failure in the Flemish open access higher education system. Vrije Universiteit Brussel]. Brussels. 3 Messiou, K. (2017, 2017/02/01). Research in the field of inclusive education: time for a rethink? International Journal of Inclusive Education, 21(2), 146-159. https://doi.org/10.1080/13603116.2016.1223184 4 Nairz-Wirth, E., Feldmann, K., & Spiegl, J. (2017, 01/01). Habitus conflicts and experiences of symbolic violence as obstacles for non-traditional students. European Educational Research Journal, 16, 12-29. https://doi.org/10.1177/1474904116673644 5 Thomas, L. (2002, 2002/08/01). Student retention in higher education: the role of institutional habitus. Journal of Education Policy, 17(4), 423-442. https://doi.org/10.1080/02680930210140257 6 van Middelkoop, D., Glastra, f., Ballafkih, H., Meerman, M., Wolff, R., Jong, M., Zijlstra, W., Van den Bogaard, M., Donche, V., & Martens, R. (2018). Studiesucces in het hoger onderwijs - van rendement naar maatschappelijke relevantie. 7 Quinn, J. (2013). Drop-out and completion in higher education in Europe among students from under-represented groups. 8 Agirdag, O., Van Houtte, M., & Avermaet, P. (2012, 06/01). Why Does the Ethnic and Socio-Economic Composition of Schools Influence Math Achievement? The Role of Sense of Futility and Futility Culture. European Sociological Review, 28, 366-378. https://doi.org/10.2307/41495129 9 Duquet, N., Glorieux, I., Laurijssen, I., & Van Dorsselaer, Y. (2006). Wit krijt schrijft beter : schoolloopbanen van allochtone jongeren in beeld. Garant. 10 Hankivsky, O. (2014). Intersectionality 101 (Vol. 64). 11 Bourdieu, P. (1989). Social Space and Symbolic Power. Sociological Theory, 7(1), 14-25. https://doi.org/10.2307/202060 12 Bourdieu, P. (1977). Cultural Reproduction and Social Reproduction. In Power and Ideology in Education (pp. 487-511). Oxford University Press. 13 Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital In Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education (pp. 241–258). Westport, CT. 14 Bourdieu, P., & Wacquant, L. J. D. (1992). An invitation to reflexive sociology [Réponses. Pour une anthropologie réflexive, Pierre Bourdieu, Loïc J. D. Wacquant]. https://doi.org/10.2307/3322492