While higher education has expanded, concerns have been raised regarding grade inflation, suggesting that higher education qualifications have been devalued in the labor market (Xing et al., 2021). Even if disadvantaged students manage to obtain these credentials, it may not necessarily contribute to their social mobility in the labor market (Wu et al., 2020), potentially exacerbating inequalities (Mok & Wu, 2016). Similar concerns have been raised in the UK, where graduates from selective institutions tend to experience significantly higher educational returns (Britton et al., 2016). Widening participation in education can create an "opportunity trap," leading to an oversupply of graduates and consequently decreased salaries for all except the elite (Budd, 2017). Consequently, social mobility may depend less on academic qualifications and more on elite social skills and family resources, highlighting the need for additional support for disadvantaged students when competing in the labor market.

This study will utilize Bourdieu's theory, including the concepts of capital, habitus, and field, to shed light on this phenomenon of social reproduction. Within the realm of research on the graduate labor market, these concepts allow for a comprehensive understanding of the enduring impact of social backgrounds in a changing graduate labor market. Different social groups acquire distinct manners and consumption habits based on their economic and socio-educational environments (Ingram, 2014). Disadvantaged students often lack the linguistic habits and skills that are considered "desirable" or "normal" for their more advantaged peers (Wilkin & Burke, 2013). By examining capital, it becomes evident that individuals from disadvantaged family backgrounds often struggle to accumulate the same levels of economic, cultural, and social capital as their privileged counterparts, even if they experience upward social mobility (Friedman, 2016). The literature consistently highlights the importance of resources, such as financial support and informal assistance from family, in helping graduates succeed in their careers. Those lacking these resources may encounter greater obstacles in their career paths. Habitus, in turn, aids in understanding the underlying reasons for this phenomenon. The differing outcomes in the labor market among students from diverse social backgrounds can be attributed to their class-based habitus and the levels and types of capital possessed by both the students and their families, resulting in distinct modal pathways for each social class.

Empirical studies conducted in both the UK and China highlight inequalities in graduate employment and career trajectories. UK economists have found differences in graduates' earnings based on family backgrounds (Britton et al., 2019; Dearden et al., 2021), while sociologists indicate that individuals from more advantaged backgrounds have higher chances of entering professional positions and experiencing greater earnings growth as they age, owing to their enriched capital and resources (Friedman et al., 2015). In the Chinese context, differences in graduates' career plans in the labor market have been linked to their rural/urban household registration (Niu et al., 2020), parental occupation (Li et al., 2012), and parental involvement (Liu, 2021).

While existing research examines the influence of family backgrounds on graduates' career trajectories and employment, it is evident that parental influence and involvement play a significant role in students' education and employment. However, there is a lack of understanding and perspectives from parents on how they transmit their resources to their children to alleviate uncertainties and insecurities in their career paths and help them achieve their goals. This study aims to address this research gap by focusing on the qualitative socio-economic causes and effects of family backgrounds. It explores how graduates from different social groups and their families plan their career trajectories to achieve upward social mobility or maintain their social status.

This study will utilize a qualitative research method, specifically conducting interviews. A total of 20 semi-structured interviews will be carried out with urban students and their parents who have recently graduated from China's C9 universities and the UK's G5 universities. The interviews will include both male and female participants and aim to provide an in-depth understanding of how middle-class and working-class families plan their career trajectories differently. Additionally, the study aims to explore the impact of different forms of capital and habitus on the plans and strategies of various social groups. To recruit participants, I will reach out to the university Alumni Office to approach recent graduates. The data collected from the interviews will be analyzed using thematic analysis. The coded materials will be categorized into different themes, specifically highlighting the differences between advantaged and disadvantaged students identified in the interviews. These themes will be used to draw comparisons between the two countries. It is important to acknowledge my own positionality and its potential impact on the research (Holmes, 2020). As an international student from a middle-class family, I am aware of the significant disparities between regions in both countries. I am particularly interested in understanding the differences in career trajectory plan between different social groups. Furthermore, this study will employ a contrast of context to compare the policies of China and the UK. By developing a critical understanding of the broader context in each country, a more nuanced view can be achieved, surpassing what can be provided through quantitative data alone (Skocpol & Somers, 1980). China's modern higher education system, which emerged after 1977, has borrowed many policies from the West and top universities, resulting in rapid transformation from an elite to a mass system and significant advancements in rankings. Considering these factors, the UK serves as an appropriate choice for representing Western countries when comparing policies between China and the West.

The expected outcome of this study is to identify the distinct strategies employed by graduates and their families in shaping their career trajectories with the aim of achieving either upward social mobility or social reproduction. By examining and comparing the strategies and perspectives of middle-class and working-class families, this study has the potential to contribute towards creating a more equitable and inclusive environment for working-class graduates, enabling them to compete on a level playing field and maximize their potential in the labor market.

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