Abstract

Many researchers of elite education argue that elite schools tend to cultivate apolitical attitudes, blindness towards race and ethnicity and obliviousness to privilege (Horvat & Antonio, 1999; Khan & Jerolmack, 2013). This is particularly true when describing elite education among hegemonic groups. Yet what happens in elite educational institutions targeting national minority groups? Do these students also exhibit a color-blind approach and/or a sense of obliviousness, as described by Khan (2011)? Is a culture of silence (Castagno, 2008) also dominant in these schools? These questions guided our research about private education among PCI (Palestinians, citizens of Israel), a national, indigenous minority that experiences stigmatization and ongoing discrimination (Ghanem & Mustafa, 2011).

Education in Israel is segregated based on nationality and religious orientation, resulting in separate educational sectors for religious and secular Jewish children, as well as Arab children (Arar, 2012). These sectors include both state and non-state schools. Private schools catering to moderately religious and ultra-orthodox Jewish students, as well as Arab church-affiliated schools, receive partial government funding. Most school children in Israel are enrolled in the state educational system (Agbaria & Pinson, 2019).

Findings in this article are based on thirty-five in-depth interviews conducted with high school students attending two elite private schools. One is located in an Arab city and the second in a city comprised of both Arabs and Jews (a ‘mixed’ city); both are in northern Israel. The findings presented here address two primary research questions. Firstly, what are the defining features of national identity exhibited by Palestinian students enrolled in elite schools? Secondly, how does an elite school contribute to the formation and shaping of national identity amongst its students? This research builds on previous studies that have examined the relationship between elite education, class, and the reproduction of elite identity (Bourdieu, 1986; Demerath, 2009; Khan, 2012). However, it examines a unique case study: Arab Palestinians in Israel who are a marginalized national minority facing discrimination and racism while simultaneously undergoing the emergence of their own self-defined elite (Haidar & Bar-Haim, 2022).

Our findings support existing research and bring forth new insights. Consistent with prior studies, we identified an elite identity (Demerath, 2009) and a positive self-perception, accompanied by a sense of entitlement and agency (Gaztambide-Fernández et al., 2003). Interviewees also expressed a positive orientation towards the future and an ability to aspire (Appaduri, 2004). Furthermore, the study confirms the role of schools in shaping and fostering elite identity through mechanisms such entrance exams, extracurricular programs, alignment with elite cultural norms, academic orientation initiatives, and discourses of excellence (Gaztambide-Fernandez, 2009). However, this research identified three distinct group-specific characteristics. Firstly, in the school selection process, parents and students seek institutions that emphasize academic excellence and also prioritize engendering a patriotic stance with special emphasis on Palestinian national identity. Secondly, interviewees demonstrated a high level of political awareness due to the unique practices and rituals implemented by both schools. This is noteworthy given that it deviates from the widely-held understanding of hegemonic elite groups, who often remain oblivious to inequality and consider social hierarchies to be the norm (Khan, 2011). Lastly, interviewees expressed profound pride in their national identity, which coexists with their pursuit of academic excellence within a deeply discriminatory reality.

This paper contributes to understanding how elite education intersects with the construction of national identity among minority elites. It offers insights into the experiences of Palestinian students facing discrimination while also highlighting the emergence of a self-defined elite within this specific sub-group.

Methodology This research was qualitative; we conducted semi-structured interviews with 35 twelfth-grade students from two elite schools in northern Israel. Interviews focused on six main themes including (1) personal and educational backgrounds, (2) personal and collective identity, (3) culture and leisure activities, (4) school experiences and perceptions, (5) future orientation, and (6) the social and political situation in Israel and Arab Palestinian society. They generally lasted 60-90 minutes and were recorded and transcribed for analysis. The research received ethical approval from the ethics committee of the Faculty of Education at the affiliated university of both authors. Students were recruited with assistance from twelfth-grade coordinators and homeroom teachers; home room teachers encouraged them to participate. Parental consent was required for participants under the age of 18; five interviewees were 18 and did not require parental consent. Of the 35 students interviewed, 18 were male and 17 were female. Over two-thirds of the students reported having a close family member who either currently attends or has previously attended one of the two schools, usually siblings. Nearly half of the students reported having at least one parent who is an alumnus of one of the schools. We examined, categorized, and interpreted the data to identify patterns, themes, and connections in accordance with grounded theory (Glaser and Strauss, 1967). Accordingly, we employed open coding where we captured the essence of the data. We then organized the data into themes or categories, an iterative process which facilitated the emergence of new insights and perspectives (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). This enabled us to capture the perspectives of our research population. The research was conducted at two different schools: the first school is located in an Arab town, while the second is in a mixed Arab-Jewish city. Both schools are categorized as private church schools. Students in both schools are of high socioeconomic status (SES) a measurement is based on the education level of the most educated parent, family income and more. Both schools are top-ranked nationally in terms of student eligibility for matriculation certificates in scientific subjects such as biotechnology systems, physics, biology, electronics, and computers. They have highly competitive and exclusive admissions processes which attract students from their respective cities and also from other locales nationally.

Conclusions Our research supports existing findings while offering new insights into educational elitism among national minority groups. Consistent with previous studies, interviewees demonstrated elite subjectivity (Demerath, 2009), a positive self-perception, a sense of entitlement, and agency (Gaztambide-Fernández et al., 2013), as well as positive future aspirations (Appaduri, 2004). However, we provide new insights into educational elitism which offer a deeper understanding of how elitism intersects with the formation of national identity within marginalized minority communities. Our research population diverges from other elite groups in part due to their much more politicized orientation. We found that students and their parents select elite schools based on academic excellence while also taking into account political considerations. Specifically, they sought schools which emphasize Palestinian patriotism and the development of a Palestinian national identity. Interviewees also demonstrated a high level of political awareness due to their school’s unique programs and approaches. This deviates from the common perception of hegemonic elite groups who often remain oblivious to inequality and consider social hierarchies as normative (Khan, 2011). Lastly, interviewees expressed profound pride in their national identity along with pursuit of academic excellence within a deeply discriminatory reality. This contrasts with the more convenient option often selected by non-hegemonic elites who try to assimilate into a ‘raceless’ identity (Wright, 2009). Thus, this research highlights interviewee resilience and refusal to relinquish their distinct cultural and national heritage. By cultivating a deep emotional attachment to their national identity, these elite students not only navigate the complexities of their dual identities (Haidar & Bar-Haim, 2022) but also develop a strong sense of solidarity with their minority group.

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