Theoretical framework

Inclusive Education (IE) is both a recognized field in educational sciences and a key concept in global educational policies (Hernández-Torrano et al., 2022). It emerged as a critique of special education's reliance on medical deficit-based views, challenging the perception that any "deficits" or "pathologies" reside within individual students (Fulcher, 1989, p. 27). This approach individualises disability, framing individuals as "abnormal" or "tragic victims," aligning with medical perspectives (Qu, 2022, p. 1012). In contrast, IE, celebrating student diversity, attributes challenges to schools failing to meet students' needs (Andrews et al., 2021, p. 1510). Despite countries endorsing IE principles, policies often reflect a medical deficit-oriented stance, evident in practices like tying school funding to the number of students classified under specific psycho-medical deficit categories (Meijer & Watkins, 2019).

IE clashes with neoliberal reforms prioritising cost-efficiency. Influenced by international organisations, countries establish non-state schools, promote standardised tests, and school rankings (Bacon & Pomponio, 2023), turning schools into profit-driven entities. This shift, linked to exclusion, deepens educational disparities, transforming parental choice into a financial transaction, notably in wealthier countries (Slee, 2019, p. 916). The conflict between IE's goals and neoliberal emphasis on academic success creates tension in education (Andrews et al., 2021, p. 1518).

Recent reform towards inclusive education in Slovakia

The School Act (National Council of the Slovak Republic, 2008) incorporated the term “inclusive education” in a 2021 amendment, defining it as shared education and training based on equality and respect for individual needs. However, this inclusion appears more declarative than practical. A more substantial step towards IE occurred in the 2023 amendment (National Council of the Slovak Republic, 2023). This revision not only replaced "integration" with "inclusive education" but also introduced a nuanced three-tiered system of “support measures”: (1) “universal” (no diagnosis needed), (2) “targeted” (requires a diagnostic process by a school staff member or a counselling and prevention institution), and (3) “specialised” support measures (requires a diagnostic process by a counselling and prevention institution). This significant shift aimed to depart from the medical deficit model tied to students with special educational needs (SEN) towards providing comprehensive support. The amendment notably broadened the definition of SEN, now encompassing students without specific deficit labels, enabling them to receive support (universal and targeted support measures) based on the judgment of school staff, provided the school has the requisite financial resources. The Act on Financing Schools also introduced a new "allowance for support measures," distributing a lump sum to all schools based on total student numbers. Before, support staff allocation relied solely on external SEN diagnoses by counselling and prevention institutions.

Research questions and objectives

Utilising critical policy analysis (CPA), the analysis centres on the primary research question: What non-inclusive (or exclusionary) discourses manifest in Slovakia's current educational policies? This way, the main objective of the study is to highlight that, despite some progress of the country towards IE ideals by establishing the system of support measures in 2023, the policy documents related to the reform are still rooted in deficit (medical) discourse, expertocratic (professionalism) discourse, and neo-liberal (market) discourse.

The study employs critical policy analysis (CPA) to scrutinise contemporary education policies in Slovakia. Diverging from traditional policy analysis, CPA sees policy as a complex, non-linear process shaped by negotiation, interpretation, and appropriation by multiple actors (Thorius & Maxcy, 2015, p. 118). It challenges positivist reliance on "hard data," emphasising understanding within cultural contexts to deconstruct traditional categories (Fischer et al., 2015). CPA explores power dynamics embedded in language and policy discourses, unveiling their inherent biases and power interests. Drawing from a poststructuralist framework (Fischer et al., 2015, p. 10), CPA unveils the façade of neutrality and interrogates evidence-based policymaking, aligning with activist and emancipatory interests. IE, originating from a critique of the medical deficit-based perspective (Hernández-Torrano et al., 2022), often utilises CPA for policy scrutiny. Notable studies, like Fulcher's analysis of integration policies or mainstreaming educational policies in Norway, Denmark, California, England and Victoria (Fulcher, 1989), reveal how medical and neoliberal discourses contribute to the exclusion of vulnerable students. A recent CPA study by (Kaščák & Strouhal, 2023, p. 199) exposes conflicting applications of humanist and neoliberal discourses in Slovakian inclusion policies. This study delves into the prevailing discourses within Slovakia's current inclusive education policies. Despite CPA theorists often blurring policy-practice lines, this research prioritises dissecting legislative and regulatory texts, such as laws, national policy strategies, curricula, reports, and statements, as the primary data sources (Kaščák & Strouhal, 2023, p. 199). Specific policy documents under scrutiny include primarily the School Act No. 245/2008 (National Council of the Slovak Republic, 2023), Strategy for an Inclusive Approach in Education and Training (Ministry of Education, Science, Research and Sport, 2021), and Catalogue of Support Measures (National Institute of Education and Youth, 2023).

Prior to 2023, Slovakia's education system only provided extra support to students with specific deficit-based SEN. However, deficit categories persist, and funding for SEN relies on them, despite the 2023 reform introducing an "allowance for support measures." This reform doesn't fundamentally change the deficit-based approach; schools still need students labelled with deficit-based SEN categories for funding. Despite the 2023 reform's inclusive education goal, the School Act restricts placing students with SEN in mainstream education based on deficit discourse. It implies that if a student with SEN isn't benefiting, the issue lies with the student, not the school. This deflects responsibility from the school, indicating a need for specialised services in segregated settings. Moreover, the School Act sustains deficit discourse by preserving a separate curriculum for students in special education streams based on specific deficit SEN categories. Pre-2023, additional support required a diagnostic report from counselling and prevention institutions. The revised School Act allows regular teachers to propose universal (1st level) and targeted (2nd level) support measures. Counselling and prevention institutions can recommend targeted measures but exclusively suggest specialised (3rd level) support measures and enable placements in segregated pathways. This distribution of power supports an expertocratic discourse, claiming exclusively "experts" in counselling and prevention institutions possess the necessary expertise to guide teachers and recommend support or segregation for students with SEN. Finally, IE in Slovakia faces challenges with parental school choice fostering competition among schools. Despite the School Act aiming for nationwide scrutiny, external standardised tests are also used to create media-highlighted school league tables. The 2023 reform hasn't constrained test result use in league tables. Instead, the Strategy for an Inclusive Approach in Education and Training (Ministry of Education, Science, Research and Sport, 2021, p. 14) advocates for making testing "more effective," potentially reinforcing a competitive educational environment.

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