Despite the over-representation of immigrant children assessed as requiring special needs education, research into their social and educational experiences in the Nordics is limited (Hanssen, Harju-Luukkainen, & Sundqvist, 2023). This study explored Syrian students ' in need of special support and their families' experiences about how their needs for special education services are accommodated, and how they experience being included.

To advance knowledge on this topic, qualitative data from 5 Syrian families (students and parents) were analyzed to address the following research questions:

(1) How do Syrian students in need of special support and their parents experience access to educational support?

(2) How do Syrian students in need of special support and their parents experience social inclusion?

This qualitative study used  activity-based interviews with the group of children (Jenkin et al, 2015), and semi-structured interviews with parents. We conducted a thematic analysis (Braun et al, 2019) using intersectionality theory (Crenshaw, 1991), and the social constructionism perspective (James and Prout, 1990) as the analytical framework to identify the themes.

The social constructivist perspective views individuals' beliefs as shaped by their cultural and social contexts (James and Prout, 1990). Central to this perspective is the recognition of children's voices and agency, therefore we aimed to voice the students (Ogden, 2014). However, agency is dynamic, contextual, and relational. Hence, it is important to consider parents’ perspectives, given their pivotal roles in influencing their children's lives and enabling them to exercise their agency (Robson, Bell and Klocker, 2007). Furthermore, when examining the experiences of children with special needs, factors such as age, gender, and culture play crucial roles. A child with special needs may experience multiple challenges and being an immigrant can add a further dimension of vulnerability (Arfa et al., 2020; Czapka and Sagbakken 2020). An intersectional approach enriches qualitative analyses by capturing the multifaceted dimensions of individuals' experiences, moving beyond normative categorizations (Crenshaw 1991; Goethals, De Schauwer, and Van Hove 2015). This approach unveils the heterogeneity that would otherwise be overlooked by focusing solely on migrant status.

Exploring  children’s perceptions and combining them with parents' perspectives can provide a deeper understanding of their experiences and generate suggestions for developing teaching and support services to improve inclusion of immigrant students. There are many important contributions of this study; it advances knowledge on a topic that is almost neglected, it can inform the development of inclusive education frameworks at the European level, it advocates for children’s participation in research by involving children as primary sources of data and combining children's and parents' views to get a thorough insight into children’s experiences. Moreover, it provides an understanding of how various institutional and cultural factors impact the lives of immigrant children and calls for open and transparent cross-cultural collaboration and dialogue among children, parents, and teachers.

The study followed a qualitative approach which provides a unique insight into one's thoughts and experiences (Creswell & Creswell, 2017). On the other hand, Children from a variety of backgrounds, interests, and capacities can be meaningfully included in research using different activities (Grant, 2017; Jenkin et al, 2015). The families were met several times by the first author who speaks Arabic. Having the opportunity to spend a long time with the participants allows researchers to have a deeper understanding of their experiences than one could get from a one-time interview (Punch,2002). Activity-based interviews (Jenkin et al, 2015) were used with the group of children in which different tools were used to encourage the communication: verbal (Hei) tool developed by Kristin Sommerseth Olsen and Guro Winsnes); visual (Photovoice) (Johnson,2011); written (diaries and lists) (Grant,2017), and semi-structured interviews were used with the group of adults. We do not see studies with children as being fundamentally different from research with adults, the goal with both groups was to build a friendly role (Punch, 2002), or what Mandell (1988) refers to as the least adult role. Problems with power imbalance and paternalism can be resolved by acting differently from other adults and acknowledging children’s agency (Abebe & Bessell, 2014; Ennew et al, 2009). The position of the researcher who met the participants was that of a facilitator, participating in all the activities as children did. Children’s preferences were prioritized, different activities were suggested and implemented to encourage the discussion.

The main themes emerged from the data are cultural differences, social life, and educational experiences. Despite the diverse experiences , common patterns were identified, particularly regarding poor social relations and the significance of language. The absence of social capital and limited language proficiency seemed to have the greatest influence on children’s everyday lives, causing them to face significant social, emotional, and educational challenges. Parents highlighted that there were delays in giving assessments and assigning a special education teacher, and that they wish for more continuous updates on their child’s condition and progress. The data also revealed that language is a significant barrier and interpretation services are not always available and so parents are not fully aware of the available services and sometimes are afraid to seek help. Disparities in the construction of childhood and disability between Syria and Norway seemed to have both positive and negative sides. Negative in the sense that participants are not familiar with the construction of children as competent and equal to adults; and positive as it encouraged parents and children to be more open and positive about children’s need for special support. There are major differences in the educational system between Syria and Norway, but children who speak good Norwegian seem to generally enjoy school life. Offers such as activity and team-based learning, the introductory language class and having a contact person who speaks Arabic at school proved to be extremely helpful. Syrian children and their families in Norway have varied emotions of both gratitude for not having to hide the special need of their children, as well as uncertainty about how to seek help. The origins of these conflicting feelings seemed to be related to language barriers, contradictory cultural traditions, and a lack of understanding of the Norwegian child welfare system.

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