This paper presents preliminary findings from the research project, A Part and Apart? Education and social inclusion of refugee children and youth in Iceland (ESRCI).

The project generally aims to critically explore the education and social inclusion of Syrian and Iraqi refugee children and youth at pre-, compulsory and upper secondary levels and the structures created for their learning and wellbeing in their social and educational settings. Groups of socalled quota refugees from Syria and Iraq arrived in Iceland from 2015 onwards, invited to the country in collaboration with the UNHCR. These refugees settled in eleven different municipalities as part of state agreements with those municipalities. 

Findings of previous research in Iceland have revealed multiple challenges that refugee children face in Icelandic schools and society, but also educational and social success (Hama, 2020; Hariri et al., 2020; Ragnarsdóttir &Hama, 2018). While there has been some research with refugee groups in Iceland, ESRCI is the first extensive research with these refugee groups. The project is directed by the overarching research question: How do the education system and socio-cultural environments in Iceland contribute to the education and social inclusion of refugee children and youth? 

The project is divided into four pillars, the second of which is Language learning and multilingualism at home and at school. Drawing on data related to the theme in this pillar, the paper aims to explore the refugee children’s and youth’s language use, language learning and multilingualism.
Research questions include: 

1: What is the nature of refugee children’s and youth’s language use and language learning (Icelandic and heritage language/s) in school and at home?
2: How does refugee children’s and youth’s language use impact their social and educational development? 
3: How do schools build on these children‘s linguistic resources and which linguistically and culturally responsive practices are in place?

This paper draws on theoretical approaches within fields such as second language learning, multilingualism, and heritage languages. Burns (2008) argues that language proficiency may well be regarded as a proxy indicator for inclusion. Schools as sites of language teaching and learning therefore become key facilitators in the inclusion of refugee children. The work of Nusche (2009) provides helpful insights into some of the most important elements required to properly address the language learning needs of migrant and refugee children. Many of these are addressed at the level of school policies and include early language assistance, for example in preschool education and care, individual monitoring of language development and systematic support for language learning throughout school and teachers trained in second language teaching. 

In recent years, the benefits of bi- and multilingualism for individuals and societies have been explored and discussed by many scholars (Chumak-Horbatsch, 2012; Cummins, 2004; Ragnarsdóttir & Schmidt, 2014). However, the multiple resources which ethnic minority students, immigrants and refugees bring to schools tend to be overlooked and ignored. Cummins (2004) has addressed the need for investing in practices affecting social justice in a positive way in educational communities and gaining understanding of how school policy and teachers’ attitudes, beliefs and exclude some children while welcoming others. According to Cummins, in order to create learning spaces that respond to the needs of linguistically and culturally diverse groups of children and families, schools need to consider how to implement socially just and inclusive practices that welcome diverse backgrounds and identities. Additionally, to develop inclusive and linguistically appropriate practices (Chumak-Horbatsch, 2012; Cummins, 2004; Gay, 2010) it is important to build on children’s prior experiences and knowledge. 

The qualitative ESRCI research project involves Syrian and Iraqi refugee children and youth of different genders and their parents who have diverse educational and socio-economic backgrounds, altogether 40 families with children in schools at one or more levels (pre-, compulsory and upper secondary) in eleven municipalities in Iceland, as well as the children’s teachers, principals and where relevant, school counsellors in the children’s schools, municipality persons, social services and NGOs. The eleven municipalities are located in different parts of Iceland: Southwest (Capital area), Northwest, West Fjords, Northeast, East and South Iceland. Purposive sampling was used to select the families and information on the participants obtained from authorities (Stjórnarráð Íslands, n.d.). Multiple case studies are conducted with quota refugee children and youth in altogether 40 families in eleven municipalities in urban and rural contexts in Iceland. Each of the 40 families is considered to be one case. According to Stake (2005), a case study is frequently chosen as it draws attention to what in particular can be learned from a particular case. Semi-structured in-depth and focus group interviews (Morgan, 1997) are used for data collection, using interview guides developed by the research team. Emphasis is put on exploring the children’s voices, including child friendly, emancipatory approaches in addition to semi-structured in-depth interviews with children (age 12-18). To ensure children’s participation and agency, data is also collected through active instruments such as participatory place-based methods, child led tour “walk-along” interviews and short diaries and narratives (Dennis, et al, 2009). The analytical process takes place concurrently throughout the research period.

The paper presents preliminary findings from data collected in the eleven municipalities. The findings reveal various challenges that the children and families experience in maintaining their heritage language as well as learning Icelandic. Their language negotiations and language identities and general well-being at school are dependent on many different factors, including teaching practices, level of participation and inclusion, communication with peer groups, as well as cultural issues. The children who experience exclusion or other obstacles at school are often less motivated to learn the new language. However, some of the children have progressed in their studies and are active participants in social activities at school.

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